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Mery: Se, . 
Ghe Wniversity of Chicrge. LOGICAL SENS 


THE WAY OF SALVATION IN THE 
RAMAYAN of TULASI DAS 


A DISSERTATION 


SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY 
OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE 
IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF 
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 


DEPARTMENT OF SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY IN THE 
GRADUATE DIVINITY SCHOOL 





Beet 


WILLIAM CHARLES’ MACDOUGALL 





Private Edition, Distributed by 
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LIBRARIES 
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 


1926. 


Printed by J. G. McGavran 
at the Mission Press, Jubbulpore, 
er indie 


INTRODUCTORY 


- CHAPTER 


CHAPTER 


CHAPTER 


CHAPTER 


CHAPTER 


CHAPTER 


CHAPTER 


I ks 


Pie 


LIT. 


LY. 


Vie 


VII. 


CONTENTS 


Reference Notes 


Determining Factors in India’s 
Early Life and Thought 


Reference Notes 


The Development of Asceticism and 
the Brahman-Atman Speculation ... 

Reference Notes 
The Bhakti Development: A General 
View 

Reference Notes 
South India’s Share in Later Phases 
of the Bhakti Development 

Reference Notes 
Early Literature and Leaders of 
Vaishnava Revival 

Reference Notes 
Tulasi Das: A General View of His 
Times and Life 

Reference Notes 


The Presuppositions and Sources 
Reflected in Tulasi’s Ramayan 


Reference Notes 


./ CHapTerR VIII. Tulasi’s Way of Salvation 


Reference Notes 


REVIEW AND CONCLUSIONS 


Reference Notes 


Dae 
28—30 


31—49 
50—52 


53—77 
78—80 


81—115 
116—120 


121—146 
147—149 


150—165 
166—167 


168—206 
207—212 
213—229 
230—232 
233—268 
269 





INTRODUCTORY 


Tulasi’s passionate cry (1), that ‘‘the worship of the Impersonal 
laid no hold of my heart’’, voiced a deep as well as a more or less 
widespread conscious conviction in his time. However, such a 
protest, in some form or other, had been expressed again and again 
long before his day. This protest was against the growing in- 
tellectualization of religion of which such a man as Shankaracharya, 
a ninth-century, South India, religious thinker, had been a very 
prominent protagonist and promoter (2), 


This type of protest had met with a ready response from high 
and low alike throughout practically all the areas of Northern 
India in the period lying between the fourteenth and seventeenth 
centuries of the Christian era. Its beginnings, however, lie much 
farther back in India’s religious development. As far as present 
knowledge goes it is generally held that the more popular phases of 
this protest, when it reached the dignity of a conscious movement, 
spread from South India into the West and North areas. 


In this protest, on behalf of the claims of the heart and of the 
conscious religious need which it seemed to meet, may be found the 
key to an understanding of the great religious awakening that 
swept over the northern half of this great peninsula of southern 
Asia during the period named. 


Tulasi Das, both by means of his literary activities and his 
preaching of the glory and virtues of Rama, was both a sharer in 
and a promoter of one phase of this remarkable religious quickening. 
This religious development, which became so widespread and 
potent (3), must have met, in some large degree, deep, human needs. 
Otherwise its popularity and power would have been less remarkable. 


In striking contrast with the knowledge (jnana-marga) ‘‘way 
of salvation”’ this type of religious development stressed the devotion 
(bhakti-marga) ‘‘way of salvation’’. In its teaching and practice 
utter self-surrender, to someone or other of the various incarnations 
of Vishnu, received great emphasis and prominence. Among the 
various incarnations of Vishnu those most popular are Rama and 
Krishna. Devotion to the one or to the other has given rise to 
many sects and sub-sects (4). 


Rama received the devotion of Tulasi. His Ramayan (*), the 
proper name for which is Ramacharitamanas (5), was composed by 
him for purposes of propaganda. Herein is set forth a ‘‘way of 
salvation’? in which Rama ig the saviour. The way for securing 
this salvation is by a devotion, which is characterized by a complete 
self-surrender to him. 


* The name for the Hindi work is written without the final “a’’, 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


bo 


1. THE AIM OF THIS STUDY 


It is an attempt to exhibit, as best one may, in view of the 
many lacunae occurring in the historical data, the psychological 
processes, both individual and social, the social inheritance, and the 
general environment which, on the one hand, gave rise to a more or 
less conscious demand for this type of religious life and thought ; 
and, on the other, toshow how this particular type of religion served 
to meet this more or less clearly-realized need. 


2, THE METHOD OF APPROACH 


It may be noted from the aim, as above stated, that in 
yursuing this study the group life or society, rather than the 
literary documents that have been precipitated out of its ongoing 
‘life, will be made primary. In fact, if one would understand any 
document that has come down out of the past, and would seek to 
appraise its value in relation to the time in which it arose and hence 
interpret it historically, it is necessary, in so far as it may be 
possible, to reconstruct imaginatively the social situation or situations 
out of which this document came. It is obvious, however, that the 
imagination in undertaking such a task must be brought under the 
discipline of the historical data, and of a cultivated historical sense, 
such as discipline in the social sciences tends to create and foster. 


That which has to do with the past and which is the ultimate 
in the life of the past is not its literary precipitates, priceless as 
these may be and most often are, in helping us to reconstruct the 
past. It is instead, the social order out of which these literary 
documents have come. However, this is not stated to discredit the 
latter. Without literary documents no sound knowledge would be 
available. However, if on the other hand the effort be not made to 
set these documents into the general environment out of which they 
arose, they may even become a stumbling-block to a proper under- 
standing of their past. It is the social order of a group or of society 
then that must be central in any effort at a reconstruction of any 
part of the life of the past. 


However, it must be confessed that the reconstruction imagin- 
atively, of a social order out of which any ancient literature has 
come, places a heavy responsibility upon the one who would assay 
such a task. This is especially trne when the literary sources at 
one’s disposal are limited. 


__ In such a task, however, the historical student obtains distinct 
nid from the sociologist and psychologist. From these, one may 
learn much that is fundamental about the nature of society and of 
the mutations and also the stabilizing elements of any social order. 
While it would be unwise to assume that society to-day is a replica 
of that of ancient times, yet it is true nevertheless that society 
fundamentally, both ancient and modern, in its more elemental 
aspects and characteristic impulses, particularly in group-life, has 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 3 


not altered much. It is rather in the traditional material that is 
integrated in the life and thought of any group where the difference 
between ancient and modern society is most marked. 


3. FUNDAMENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF GROUP-LIFE 


In making the social order rather than literary documents 
primary in the study, here attempted, there are certain fundamental 
characteristics of group-life that call for brief notice :— 


(a). Everything that has come into existence in the life of the 
human group is of ‘‘experiential origin’’. Among the many factors 
that are operative in producing and modifying human experience 
those are exceedingly powerful, which may be classed under the 
general term “social situation’’. In this connection, however, it 
needs to be recognized that an individual’s or a group’s god-world 
is also to be thought of as a very real part of the social situation of 
any human-group. 


(b). All human experience, whether it be that of the individual 
or that of the group, is made up of customary reactions to habituated 
situations and of problems. ‘These problems arise through the 
emergence of new situations. Reactions to customary situations 
may be thought of in general as the cumulative results of experience 
plus more or less clearly defined reflections upon that experience. 
These customary reactions to habituated situations are all but 
supreme in determining practices and standards among the particular 
members of any group. This is especially true wherever either, as 
is the case with the primitive, the individual has not yet emerged (6), 
or, aS ig the case in India, individual self-expression and initiative 
have for the most part been effectively crushed or held in control 
by the habituated and authoritative reactions of caste life (7). 


(c). Need in its most elemental aspects seems to have been the 
primal force, which impelled to and habituated group action among 
primitives. The exigencies of the primitive’s situation were such 
that very early indeed some form or other of group-activity event- 
uated (8). The form, their group-activity would take, would depend 
primarily upon the character of their geographic and climatic 
environment. In the growth of this group-activity each member to 
a greater orless extent would enter into and profit by the experiences 
of the others of his group. Itis obvious therefore that from sources, 
such as these, similar reactions to similar situations would result in 
time in the growth of more or less clearly defined group-usages. 
After a lapse of time these in turn would become entrenched in the 
instincts and in both the momentum and in the dead weight of 
fixed habit. Moreover these usages would become heightened both 
in authority and in theirmomentum by means of the social pressure 
of the group, and also by the example of the fathers, and by the fear 
of displeasing the god-world powers. By means of factors, such as 
these, group-usages not only become growingly imperative, but in 
time they come also to be thought of as the right way to satisfy all 


4 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


the legitimate interests of the group. In brief they are usages that 
have come down from the fathers. They are already operative in 
the life of the group in relation to habituated situations. Hence it 
comes to be that the right way to act in a given situation is the way 
in which the fathers acted in such a situation. 


(d). However, no social situation ever remains the same long. 
Sooner or later acting just as the fathers did no longer meets 
adequately the demands of the new situation emerging. It is just 
at such a point where problems begin to arise. Hence the degree to 
which any group’s social situation can be responded to adequately 
by means of its customary reactions is also the measure of its 
stability, and in inverse ratio the fewness of its problems. On the 
other hand the extent to which its customary reactions fail to meet 
satisfactorily the needs of the new situation, emerging in its life, is 
the measure of its instability, andof the problem-element in its life. 


(e). Every human institution, every significant human move- 
ment, and every generally accepted idea arise out of social situations. 
Each does so at one or more points in the social situation where, 
because of some social maladjustment, attention, tension, or social 
irritation become focalized. Hence every human movement, of 
whatever sort it may be, has relations with its environment, 
especially with that part of its then existing social situation where are 
found these points of tension and friction in the group’s life. There- 
fore, if one would seek to understand clearly and evaluate adequately 
any particular human movement in history, it does appear as a 
matter of primal importance that one should study the social situation 
or situations out of which that movement arose, and in particular 
the focal points of tension and irritation in the situation in relation 
to which the movement took shape. It is obvious that these focal 
points will vary as varies the social situation. 


(f). From the previous statement it will appear obvious also 
that these focal points arise from different causes. These causes may 
be one or more of such as the following :— 


1). New economicconditions. The new economic conditions 
may grow outof entrance into a new geographical environment. 
However, these new conditions may arise also from the slow and 
more or less unconscious acquisition of a new technique and culture 
through contact with one or more alien groups. 


2). However, this acquisition of an alien technique and its 
accompanying culture may be brought about through a conscious 
and deliberate effort to integrate them in the group’s life. In all 
such cases the focal points of attention, tension, and irritation tend 
to become the centres of greatly intensified feeling. The group 
tends to split up, on the one hand, into those who favour the old and 
wish to retain it, and, on the other, into those who favour and hence 
desire to promote the new. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 5 


3). Such situations as the above in a group eventuate in 
emotional attitudes. These gather around the focal points. These 
attitudes fall into at least three general classes. They may represent: 
first, hostility to the alien elements as they are altering the group’s 
stabilized social situation; second, hostility to the group’s outworn 
habituated reactions, such as are no longer competent to meet 
satisfactorily the needs which are arising in the presence of the 
changing situation; and lastly, a more or less conscious syncretism 
of elements, which are drawn from both the old and the new in the 
social situation. These elements are constructed into a more or less 
definite ideal social order in the mind of the group’s leaders, who 
are promoting such a syncretism. These elements, constructed into 
a new whole—at least in the minds of the leaders—are deemed 
adequate to meet the new needs, that have resulted from the altered 
social situation. 


(g). However, a group never becomes conscious of its own 
group-usages until new situations arise over against which its custom- 
ary group-reactions come to be placed by way of comparison (9), 
Whenever a group becomes conscious of its own group-usages as 
over against alien group-usages in a similar situation a degree of 
usage-instability begins to arise. Then the group, most generally 
through its leaders, sets to work to establish regulations by which it 
seeks to guard against what it considers to be wrong and on the 
other hand to preserve and perpetuate that which it deems to be 
right. 

But as soon as a group begins to be conscious of its own usages, 
as over against some other group-usages, its own, by contrast, take 
ona pluselement. This plus element is a belief or a conviction 
regarding the value of their own group-usages as over against alien 
group-usages. Then, according to Sumner(10), customary group- 
usages are lifted to the dignity of what he calls, “group-moregy’’. 
These, to quote the same author, are ‘‘ways of doing things, which 
are current in society, to satisfy its human needs and desires, 
together with the faiths, notions, codes, and standards of well-living, 
which adhere in those ways and have a genetic connection with 
them’’ (11). Hence to every group it appears a matter of first rank 
importance that its ‘‘group-mores’’ be maintained and perpetuated. 
It seeks to accomplish this purpose by a more or legs elaborate ritual. 
The purpose of this ritual is to hold the group activities within the 
field of what the then-prevailing ‘‘group-mores’’ counts ‘‘good form’’, 
Furthermore it is out of these that a group’s social institutions, 
its laws, and regulations arise. These generally come through 
selection; and this for the most part is exercised by the recognized 
leaders in response to some felt group-need. 


(h). In general the emotional attitudes of a group become 
identified with those reactions which it regards as most significant 
in its life. It happens for the most part that thege reactions are 


6 TULASI°S WAY OF SALVATION 


those which are linked up with its greatest and most long continued 
struggles; and which meet best the group’s needs and hopes in its 
particular situation. Whatever these particular reactions may be 
and whatever technique may be developed for carrying them out the 
emotional elements with which they become surcharged tend to 
exalt and idealize these reactions, and all that may have become 
connected therewith. In the course of time these reactions and all 
their technique come to form the nucleus of and the symbolism for 
the group’s moral and religious values. The Messianic hope of the 
Jews is an apposite illustration of such a group-creation. It was 
fitted to meet their needs for salvation, and was set in the termin- 
ology of political deliverance. 


(i). That which is thought of as salvation, therefore, both as to 
its content and its technique (the means by which the salvation is 
thought to be obtained), is determined in its beginnings and modified 
in its development by the factors, that are operative in the specific 
situations in which a particular ““way of salvation’’ has its begin- 
nings and undergoes its course of development (12). The individual 
as well as the group in reacting to any situation in which there is 
maladjustment seeks more or less consciously and deliberately to 
effect a release or deliverance from such. The method or technique 
for the securing of this release will be constructed out of elements 
from the experiential world of the group. Factors which are 
operative in shaping any ‘‘way of salvation’’, both as to its content 
. and its technique, are such as the following: geographic, climatic, 
and economic conditions, a group’s social inheritance, its contacts 
with alien culture, its indigenous leadership, and its god-world. 


(j). The great majority of individuals in any social situation, and 
in any age or stage of development, are for the most part controlled 
by established group-usages. Such individuals live in terms of the 
social inheritance and hence are the great conservators and promoters 
of the ‘‘group-mores’’(13). On the other hand the leaders are always 
in advance of the other members of the group. These leaders, while 
living in the existing group order, have set up within their minds the 
imaginative construct of an ideal group order. This latter is generally 
thought of by them in terms of the will of the deity, or god-world. 
By means of this ideal group order these leaders are enabled not 
only to turn back and criticize the existent group orderin the midst 
of which they live. It enables them also to pursue their task with 
hope and courage in the presence of misunderstanding and evén 
intense opposition, and even to the extent of enduring patiently great 
suffering at the hands of their group-fellows. In time these higher 
ideals for the group order are likely to be worked down into the 
common coinage of the people, and so finally become a part of the 
*‘group-mores’’. Wherever such leaders form a distinct literary 
group they are likely to be more remote from the general masses of 


their group than are those, such as Tulasi Das, who are primarily 
religious leaders, 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 7 


(k). Literature, whether distinctly religious or otherwise, is 
not to be equated with the group life out of which it has grown. 
‘T’o do so is to impoverish greatly our notion of the group life out of 
which it has taken its beginnings and growth. This general state- 
ment holds true no matter how varied and deeply religious the 
literature may be. It is, ag it were, even rated at its highest in 
relation to the ongoing movement of the group’s varied life, a 
precipitate, a by-product, out of crises in the group’s life. Sometimes 
these crises have arisen from forces outside the groupand sometimes 
from within the group. In any case literature is a defensive or an 
expressive technique (to change the figure) which is used to meet 
telt needs that have arisen out of some one or more crises. Hence 
it foilows that not all the currents, flowing in a group’s life, get 
registered necessarily in the literary precipitates from this ongoing 
life. Consequently, while it is true that we ought always to be 
deeply appreciative of all the insights that are given us by literary 
materials, yet we must ever be on our guard against equating them 
with the life out of which they came, or of concluding, as many 
scholars have often done, that influences non-existent in a group’s 
literary deposits are therefore non-existent in its life. 


From considerations, such as the above, it is obvious that any 
notion whatsoever of salvation, both as to content and technique, 
has waited upon and has been determined by human needs, as these 
came to be experienced in specific social situations. Human needs, 
as experienced in specifie social situations with their complex of 
factors, as have already been indicated, have shaped up various 
types of salvation. These consequently differ more or less, both as 
to content and technique. 


It is manifest, therefore, that no just appraisal of any ‘‘way 
of salvation’? can be made as to its function and significance in its 
particular situation save only as one may come to understand, as 
best one may, the psychological processes, the social inheritance, 
and the situation in general, which gave rise to the awareness of 
human need; and whicha particular type of salvation sought to 
meet and satisfy. 


Consequently we now turn to a consideration of the historical 
background out of which the bhakti attitude of mind in general 
arose; and which eventuated finally in a more or less clearly defined 
and conscious religious movement, in one specific phase of which 
Tulasi Das was both a sharer and a promoter. 


(6). 
(7). 


(8). 
(9). 


(10). 
(11). 
(12). 


(13). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


REFERENCE NOTES 


. Book VII, Chaupai of Doha 107 (Trans. by Growse) 


»» 4, Laine 16, Chaupaiof Doha109, Nagari PrachariniSabha’s Edition 
- ,, Line 16, Chaupai of Doha 166, Rameshwer Bhatta’s Edition 
‘; ,, Line 7, Chaupai of Doha 172, Jwala Prasad Mishra’s Edition 


. Vedanta Sutras with Shankara’s Commentary, Part I. 


(Trans. by G. Thibaut, S. B. E., Vol. XXXIV, Intro. p. xivf) 


. D.C. Sen, Hist., Bengali Language and Literature, pp. 400, 404, 569, 


577ff., give evidence of the widespread development of Vaishnavism 
in Bengal. 


. Dr. Farquhar, Primer of Hinduism (2nd. Ed.), p. 149. 
. Book I. Chaupai of Doha 43 (Growse’s Trans.). 


», 5, Line 1, Chaupai of Doha 45, Nagari Pracharini’s Edition 
» 5, Line 1, Chaupai of Doha 46, Rameshwer Bhatta’s Edition 
5» 9», Line 7, Chaupai of Doha 45, Jwala Prasad Mishra’s Edition 
Sumner, Folkways, p. 3 
Shilotri. Indo-Aryan Thought and Culture, Ch. V. 
Kitch, The Origin of Subjectivity in Hindu Thought, p. 56ff. 
Sumner, ibid., p. 2. 
This is the position taken by Prof. Mead on this point in his Social 
Psychology le¢tures, University of Chicago. 
Sumner, ibid., p. 59. 
is BD. os 
This is the general position, taken by the following, in the following 


works: Ames, Psychology of Religious Experience; Durkheim, Elementary 
Forms of the Religious Life; King, The Development of Religion. 


Sumner, ibid., p. 46. 


CHAPTER I 


DETERMINING FACTORS IN INDIA’S EARLY LIFE 
AND THOUGHT. 


It is not practicable, as must be obvious to all who give 
attention to the matter, to attempt to trace in even a cursory manner 
the general development of India’s early life and thought, Yet it is 
clearly necessary that one should seek to set forth as clearly, as may be 
possible, the factors, deemed most significant, that were operative in 
shaping up the social inheritance and the major social habits and 
attitudes, such as her early life and thought reveal. Such a task 
will be attempted in this chapter. 


It was a vigorous race—this branch of the Indo-European parent- 
stock that entered through the north-west passages into India by 
means of one, or probably more(1) waves of migration. The vigour 
of this branch of the Aryan race which settled in the Punjab some 
twenty or more centuries previous to the Christian era is clearly and 
frequently reflected in the Rig-Veda, which constitutes the oldest 
literary precipitate out of the currents of their early social. order. 
This remains true(2) even after the generally recognized later additions 
(3) to this earliest literature have been deleted; and which reflect 
times subsequent to their early life in the Punjab. 


The world in which these early Aryans lived and did their 
thinking was a very real world. Moreover they tooka keen joy in life. 
They were a people who were youthful in their outlook upon life. 
They loved its lights and its shadows, its soma-drinking and its 
fighting, its chariot-racing and its cattle-lifting. In other words they 
possessed those characteristics of initiative, resourcefulness, and love 
of life which mark an individual or a race that is the possessor of an 
abundance of surplus energy. 


Prof. Breasted (4) has characterized the civilization of this 
people’s parent-stock as that of the Stone Agein general. Their 
original home was situated in the wide-stretching grassy steppes, 
that lie east and north-east of the Caspian Sea (5). These people 
were divided into many tribes. These roamed at will through the 
vast grass-lands. They possessed domesticated animals, such ag sheep 
andcattle. Among domesticated animals, however, the horse seemed 
to be the chief one. It was used not only for riding, but also for 
the drawing of their rude carts. Some of these tribes, it seems, had 
already begun to habituate themselves to the cultivation of the soil. 
In this they made use of the ox to drag their plow. In this stage of 
development, as might be expected, their organized life as well as 
their tribal government was looseand inarticulate. These grass-lands 


10 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


had early become ‘‘reservoirs of unsettled populations’. Out of them 
came periodic overflows. The migration into India was doubtless the 
result of one or more of such overflows. However, we may not 
know how many generations or centuries elapsed between the time 
of the departure from the old home of the parent-stock and the 
entrance into India. 


However, there can be no doubt that, as in the original home so 
also at the halting stages along the way in their progress toward 
India, their life was one that for the most part was lived in the open; 
and hence had become inured to a rigorous climate. Such aclimate 
and type of life would demand qualities of endurance, mental alert- 
ness, resourcefulness, and power of initiative. Hence in such a 
climate and type of life the tendency would be to weed out the 
physical and mental weaklings; and on the other hand to enhance 
all the vigorous powers of body and mind. 


This joy inlife, to which reference has already been made, in a 
marked degree is reflected in the religion of the Rig-Veda. This is 
of great significance. The study of primitive society in general has 
led scholars to make the generalization that early peoples naively 
spread the pattern of their group-life and its general outlook over all 
their surroundings, both animate and inanimate, and in addition 
projected it also into their god-world. In the religion, reflected in 
the Rig-Veda, the outstanding features of nature furnished the 
objects of their worship. Around these their vigorous and undis- 
ciplined imaginative powers wove legends awe-inspiring rather than 
terrifying in character. Their worship itself was a cheerful one. 
It is true there is fear of the demons expressed anda desire to be 
free from their malignant power. Yet on the whole their attitude in 
worship is one of confidence rather than of fear, and of hope rather 
than of despair. Take moreover the picture which they have drawn 
of their favorite god, Indra. Heisa blustering fellow; one who is 
able to drink barrels of soma. He has a chariot and two favorite 
horses; he has love affairs and ig the doer of mighty deeds. If gods 
are made in the image of men, as many more than Rhys Davids 
now hold (5), then in the lineaments, which are sketched of Indra, 
we have the picture of the average life of the chieftains of that far- 
away time. 


However, centuries pass and when we again meet with this 
vigorous race’s progeny, which is now settled in kingdoms and 
primitive republics in the great Gangetic river-valleys, a striking 
change has come over their social and religious habits and attitudes 
toward life. Much of the old-time love of and joy in life is now 
_ gone. Now the world is illusion and life as such has become an 
object of disgust;and a despair with reference to it grows in the 
literature of the time as one passes from the later Vedas into the 
Brahmanas, Aranyakas, and the Upanishads. However, this outlook 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION ia: 


on the world and human life, just described, which is largely that 
of the Brahman, ought not to be thought of as the only one that had 
a place in the times previous tothe coming of the Buddha. The 
materials which Rhys Davids presents in his volume on ‘‘Buddhist 
India’’, especially in his chapters on Animism and the Brahman 
position, make it plain that a study of the Brahman literature alone 


is calculated to give one only a partial picture of the real situation in 
those times. 


However, the Brahman literary deposit may be taken as fairly 
representative at least of not only the thinking and the social and 
religious attitudes of the Brahman; but also that in general it 
represents the attitudes of those with whom the Brahman had to do: 
the upper castes, who up tothis period at least must have been 
made up almost entirely of the Aryan stock. 


“There is no bliss in anything finite’? (6). This is the 
pessimistic note sounded in more than one passage in the Chhandogya 
Upanishad. This work is considered generally by scholars to be 
one of the oldest of this type of literature. A similar strain may 
be noted in many of the other writings of this period. What is it 
that has happened to bring in sucha change into the thinking and 
attitudes of this one-time optimistic and life-loving race? This is 
the problem that has long occupied the attention of scholars, working 
in the Indian fields of study. 


Is the major determining factor in bringing about the marked 
change, indicated above, due to the geographic and climatic con- 
ditions which prevail in the Gangetic river-valleys? Those who are 
in sympathy with theories, such as those held by Ratzel and Miss 
Semple (7) would reply in the affirmative. Now while it must be 
acknowledged that climate and geography are important factors in 
determining the life and thinking of a people (8), especially so long 
as they continue in the lower stages of culture (9), yet there are 
people upon whom similar climatic and geographic conditions have 
not produced similar results (10). Hence, such factors, even when 
rated at their highest, as influences, determining the lifeand thought 
of a people, still remain inadequate explanations of such remarkable 
psychical changes in thinking and outlook (11). They in fact leave 
a plus element unaccounted for in suchan explanation. Nevertheless 
in seeking to find explanation for such a great change, the importance 
of the altered climatic and geographic environment of the Aryans 
must not be overlooked. In the first place instead of mountainous 
areas and upland plains the Gangetic river-valleys in the Doab 
present almost interminable flat plains that stretch far away to the 
distant horizon with scarcely a modest elevation even to relieve the 
deadening sameness of the landscape. Then to this must be added 
the oppresiveness of nature with her fierce penetrating heat to which 
king and peasant alike must do obeisance. Then there are the 
torrential seasona] rains and the wind storms, before all of which 


12 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


man is made to feel hig helplessness and insignificance. Then again 
a climate such as prevails in the Gangetic river-valleys for the 
greater part of each year is inimical to sustained effort, whether 
physical or mental. Still further one may never know just how 
much the presence of malarious conditions in such areas and 
throughout India in general may have had to do with the creation 
and perpetuation of this distrust of and disgust with life in general. 
It is generally recognized that the frequent sufferer from malarial 
fever is one who rarely escapes having his thinking and attitudes 
toward life as a whole ‘‘sicklied o’er with the pale cast’’ of 
pessimism. Furthermore there is no good reason for concluding 
that the Doab was less malarious then than now. North India 
generally had much more jungle adjacent to its towns and villages 
(12) then than now. To this must also be added the observation 
that to the extent to which a people are controlled by, rather than 
control nature, climate and disease to that extent such influences 
as geography and climate are correspondingly powerful and con- 
tinuously operative. 


Unlike Ratzel and Semple, however, there are other scholars, 
who are inclined to assign to degeneracy the primal cause of this 
remarkable change. They hold that this results from an intermingl- 
ing of races, especially in cases where the racial types are remote 
from each other, as is the case between the white and black races (13). 
However, as far ag India is concerned, it is now quite generally 
recognized among scholars that the claim of the Brahman: that he 
is of pure Aryan stock is largely a fiction. The infiltration of more 
or less non-Aryan blood into the Aryan stock must have begun very 
early before caste became the rigid social system it attained to later. 
This condition of rigidity had been reached as early as 500 B.C. 
To-day practically the entire population of India’s vast peninsula is 
hybrid (14). Yet as militating against this particular *‘degeneracy”’ 
theory India has never lacked great men of affairs, nor outstanding 
leaders in her political, intellectual, and religious life. They are 
scattered throughout her history from the days of Chandragupta 
Maurya and the Buddha down to the present. 


It is evident therefore that we must look elsewhere for factors, 
other than geographic and climatic, to supplement these latter in 
explaining this remarkable phenomenon. When we turn to factors 
that may be classed as psychological and sociological our search is 
more likely to be rewarded. While it is true that these latter, as 
factors, have received some attention, yet it is only very recently 
that they have begun to receive the prominence that they deserve. 
This is doubtless due in part at least to the fact that the social 
sciences’ disciplines are of very recent growth. The works of 
Shilotri (15) and Kitch (16) may be taken as examples of efforts to 
set forth psychological and sociological explanations for the above 
remarkable change. It would seem therefore that approaching the 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 13 


problem, such as these two treatments illustrate, one may hope to 
find both supplementary and more adequate explanation for this 
strange development. 


However, before seeking to trace the influences of these other 
determining factors, which, as it seems to the writer, have not yet 
received the attention they really merit in helping us toward a more 
adequate solution of our problem, it seems needful that at the outset 
an inventory be taken of certain significant elements, that were al- 
ready a part of the Aryans’ social inheritance before they entered 
India. 

The first of these significant elements, which merits attention, 
was the social gradedness into which their life had already become 
divided. From comparison with the social order of the Iranians it is 
clear that priests, warriors, and cultivators, as distinct classes, already 
existed in the pre-Indian Aryan life (17). By this is meant that 
there already existed within the larger group life of the old parent- 
stock, as a part of its established and operating social mechanism, 
the habits and attitudes of privilege and superiority on the one 
hand, and of inferiority and servility on the other. How much older 
in origin this servile class, with its established habits and attitudes, 
was, we do not know. However, it is not without significance that 
a servile class, that had become strictly hereditary, existed among 
the primitive German tribes (18). 


Another significant element from the pre-Indian social in- 
heritance was the already existent group of social habits and attitudes 
in relation to the practice of sacrifice and to the priesthood, who were 
its ministrants(19). This group of social habits and attitudes already 
possessed all the momentum and authority suchas belong with 
habituated reactions, that are linked up, as they were, with the social 
inheritance, the example of the fathers, and with the god-world 
powers. Furthermore from not a few intimations in the early 
hymng, (20), it is reasonably clear that the early experiences of the 
invaders in their conflicts with the earlier inhabitants were such, as 
not only to enhance the prestige of the priesthood, and of their belief 
in the power of the sacrifice to bring victory to them, but also to aid 
in building up a set attitude of superiority on their part toward the 
dark-skinned people of the land invaded. Indeed it is hard to over- 
estimate the important part which these heightened and more sharply 
defined habituated reactions of superiority on the part of the Aryan 
invaders must have played in shaping up the later structure of 
India’s life and thought. For example this attitude of superiority 
toward the conquered would soon come to be expressed in terms, 
phrases, regulations, social habits, social institutions, and in a whole 
circle of accretions to the already existing social habits and attitudes 
toward the priesthood and their performance of the sacrifice. All 
the above would come in time to express and describe more or 
less fixed relations on the part of conquerors to conquered (21). 


e 


14 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Furthermore sooner or later the above social complexes would become 
embedded in the social inheritance; and as such would help to mould 
the social habits, attitudes and ideas of succeeding generations. 


It would appear then that the outstanding group-habits and 
attitudes, and all that they would come to include as corollary to 
them, which were more or less deeply integrated in the social order 
that the Aryan tribes brought into India were two: social gradedness 
within the group, and the more or less fixed attitude of respect and 
reverence toward the priesthood and the practice of sacrifice. Then 
their early experiences with the aborigines in the Punjab were such 
that another group of social habits and attitudes, with their attendant 
terminology and social practice, came to be another element in their 
social order. A1l these groups of social practices and attitudes, with 
their accompanying terminology and the social and religious institu- 
tions, such as caste and sacrifice, were already integrated in their 
social order when these Aryans in their developing tribal and 
political life spread southward and eastward into the land of the 
two rivers, between the Ganges and the Jumna. 

Aside then from geographic and climatic conditions to which 
reference has been made we look for the other powerfully operative 
factors in the social processes of action and reaction between 
individuals and groups, both in individual and in group relations. 


It is generally accepted among social psychologists that if the 
life of the individual, which possesses vigour of mind and body, is to 
be kept normal and wholesome in its development, then it must be 
given a certain area wherein it may express its choice as well as its 
activity. Such an area for self-activity enables the individual not 
only to acquire awareness of himself as an individual and as set over 
against other individuals of his own or of other groups. It does 
more: it also enables him to build his own personality and to acquire 
a sense of the worth of his own self-expression in relation to the 
group ef which he forms a part (22). The curtailment or elimination 
of this area wherein choice and self-activity may find expression, 
and secure thereby a chance for self-appraisal, issues in evil results 
for individual and group alike. Primitive life in general and all 
forms of group-life in particular where the social order is aristocratic, 
such as in patriarchal life, and in a despotic social or political order 
such as caste and absolute monarchy, there is little or no opportunity 
for the growth of the individual. In fact one may state that strictly 
speaking the individual, as a distinct personality and aware of itself 
as such, has little chance to emerge and grow in such social groups. 
For example in primitive tribal life practically the only one who 
had a chance to develop his individuality, as over against others in 
his group, or in other groups, was the medicine man or the magician. 
They were often one and the same individual. Hence it was the 
medicine man or the magician who, more often than anyone else, 
grew into the tribal chieftain, the king, and sometimes the exalted 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 15 


position of deity. The very nature of his work, whetheras medicine 
man or as magician, gave him the needed area for choice and self- 
expression. In the exercise of his duties resourcefulness and 
initiative would have a chance to be developed. These in the end 
would tend to make him the outstanding individual type in his 
group. The priest and the priestly order, which generally came later 
in tribal development than the medicine-man and the magician, not 
infrequently grew out of the latter. 


In early primitive life practically all in the group, aside from 
these notable exceptions, belonged to the same dead level of same- 
ness. They wereruled by the social habits andattitudes of the group 
and dared not think—if it ever occurred to them todo so—of their 
souls as their own, apart from their group. What was true of the tribal 
Social group generally wag also true within the narrower circle of the 
patriarchal family. Apart from the patriarch in the family there 
remained little or no field for choice or self-expression. This patriar- 
chal family system has continued down to the present in India and 
is still powerful in its influences. 


Furthermore, if we may trust our sources (23), the passage of 
the Aryans from the Punjab into the Doab was marked, among other 
things, by the passing of tribal organization to that of king and 
kingdom. Tribal organization and its rule either passed away or 
were taken up in a more or less modified form into the despotism of 
absolute monarchies (24). It isa generally recognized fact that as 
far as the individuals of the group are concerned the net result of 
despotism is to place a continual discount upon the individual and 
the area wherein he may exercise choice and self-expression on the 
one hand, and upon the other to augment the influence of the 
overhead authority. Under such a system the only one who has the 
inherent right to exercise choice and self-expression is the ruler. 
All beneath the ruler have no rights as such. Whatever they do 
enjoy is by the grace or caprice of the ruler; and may be taken from 
them. Consequently all groups so constituted, whether political or 
otherwise, have no real recognized basis for the individual to get an 
awareness of himself as an individual. He has no chance to ex- 
perience that feeling of worthand strength that come to him when 
he acts in free co-operation with his group-fellows. On the contrary 
the despotism of all such groups teaches its units the habits and 
attitudes of unquestioning obedience to the authority above them. 


In view of the above the system of caste ig a matter deserving 
special attention in the light it may throw upon the problem under 
consideration. Reference has already been made to the set attitude 
of superiority of the Aryan. This ought to be regarded asa very 
important factor in the life of any group, whether ancient or modern. 
In fact it would seem that this attitude of superiority, and all that 
developed therefrom by the aid of priestly sanction and elaboration, 
may be considered ag the tap-root of that complex of social habits and 


16 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


attitudes. which afterwards hardened into the caste system. Further- 
more we may find that this social complex, called caste, and all that 
it has involved has been the chief psychic factor in determining the 
early life and thought of India. Prof. Macdonnell holds (25) that in 
all the main features that characterize caste the system had reached 
its perfection by 500 B.C. The changes that have come since, 
according to him, have been largely those of increasing rigidity and 
complexity. 

According to Cooley (26) the conditions favourable to the 
growth of caste are three: first, striking differences among those 
who make up the population. These differences may be of three 
kinds: those due to race, those, which, apart from racial considera- 
tions, are due to immigration and conquest; and lastiy those that are 
the outcome of “the gradual differentiation of social function within 
a population originally homogeneous’’, or the outcome of ‘two races 
of different temperament and capacity, distinct to the eye and living 
Side by side in the same community’’. These ‘‘tend strongly to 
become castes, no matter how equal the social system may otherwise 
be. The difference, being hereditary, answers in its nature to the 
idea of caste, and the external sign serves to make it conscious and 
definite’ (27). The second general condition favourable to growth: 
is a slow rate of social change. This exists wherever there is a 
group life that is comparatively stable; and where the conflicts and 
hence also the problems are few. This condition of social stability 
is ‘necessary that functions should be continuous through several 
generations’. This is needful to get the “‘principle of inheritance’’ 
integrated in the group life (28). The third condition, favouring 
growth of caste: ‘‘is a low state of communication and enlighten- 
ment’’ (29). Modern life has its railways, newspapers, telegraphs and 
wireless. But in ancient times means of communicating knowledge 
and general culture were few and slow. 


All the above conditions, favouring the growth of caste,were 
present in the early situation in India. For example, the first term, 
so far as now known, that was used for caste was ‘*varna’’ which 
has reference to colour (30). This awareness of separateness from 
the aborigines of the land is reflected in not a few of the early 
hymns (31). Shilotri hints that the results might have been dif- 
ferent if in the Aryans’ early experiences in India they had met up 
with some of the more virile elements of the earlier inhabitants (32). 
However, while it is true that it might have eventuated in some 
kind of a compromise, yet it is hardly likely that it would have 
altered appreciably their early reactions to peoples so different in 
colour from themselves (33). 


He, in this matter following Hewitt and Sewell, rather than 
Risley (34), favours the position that India was originally peopled 
by the Kols, who are supposed to be a branch of the Australian 
negroid type. These were in time overcome by the later-arriving 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 17 


and more vigorous and more highly civilized Dravidians and hence 
were driven into the more undesirable and inhospitable areas of the 
peninsula, such for example as north-west India. It was these, 
Shilotri thinks, with whom the Aryan invaders came into contact 
first and overcame. Although the evidence may be rather slender 
as a basis upon which to erect the judgment that these aborigines 
with whom the Aryans came into conflict first were Kols, yet it is 
highly probable that of whatever race they were they represented the 
social and more uncivilized backwash of the peoples who in that 
early time were already in possession of the principal areas in India. 
This is what happened in large areas of Central India in a much 
later time (35). Ancient civilizations, in practically every example 
furnished by history, developed earliest along navigable coasts and 
on the banks of the lower reaches of great waterways (36). It is 
also true that on the other hand those groups that were ruder and 
less efficient were generally those occupying areas more remote from 
contacts with such vitalizing and enlarging experiences. Hence 
without committing oneself to Shilotri’s position on the racial point 
in question, one is reasonably safe in concluding that in all pro- 
bability the earlier opponents of the Aryan invaders did not represent 
the more vigorous or matured elements of the aborigines. Consequ- 
ently both the colour difference and the consciousness of superiority 
would tend to sharpen up the distinctions already existing and make 
the invaders more keenly aware of themselves as a group set over 
against those who were their common enemies; and in relation to 
whom they had a consciousness of superiority. Therefore so long 
as danger and pressure from this common foe remained prominent 
the Aryans’ attitude of superiority would naturally be focalized on 
the out-group, rather than upon the gradedness within their own 
group. It would only be as the danger from without decreased that 
their attention would revert naturally to their own group’s social 
gradedness. 


From prayers met with in the Rig-Veda (37) it is evident that 
the process of establishing supremacy over the aborigines must have 
been for the Aryan a long one. Such a prayer to the gods as: “May 
we subdue the Dasyus’’ (38) gives one a glimpse of a long and often- 
times a bitter struggle. The very fact that such prayers stand among 
those collected out from among many others, that have undoubtedly 
been lost, is evidence sufficient to show that for the most part it 
voiced a need sufficiently urgent and common among the early 
Aryans to be retained in the collection of hymns. 


Furthermore, from the very nature of the situation, the Aryans, 
who invaded the Punjab, could not have been as numerous as the 
original inhabitants of the land with whom they came into conflict. 
Hence the struggle for supremacy was not without its grave dangers 
to the racial as well as the tribal integrity of these invading tribes. 
Such a long-continued tension of suspense and of conflict would not 


18 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


only tend to heighten the emotional content of this new group’s 
awareness of the colour distinction and of the superiority attitude. 
In addition to this it would carry such group-habits and attitudes 
on into the succeeding generations with all the added momentum 
that such a struggle would evoke; and integrate this social complex 
in the social structure of the generations following. 

Still further a vigorous race, like a vigorous individual, thrives 
on opposition (39). Opposition gives it a much more distinct 
awareness of itself as separate from the other group or groups in all 
that pertains to group solidarity, such as racial characteristics, 
practices, and beliefs. This is particularly true in relation to that 
‘‘other’’ group, or groups with which it has had the most bitter and 
long-continued struggle, in seeking to maintain its own racial identity 
and ‘‘place in the sun’’. However, on the other hand, this very 
opposition, both as to its character and its extent, compels the 
mutually conflicting groups to adjust themselves to a greater or less 
extent to each other in order to cope as successfully as possible with 
the other’s opposition. Furthermore this defensive adjustment 
results in modifications of one kind or another within each group. 
There is still another fact observable in the social situation of a 
group thus circumstanced. It is this: that so long as the common 
interests of the ‘‘in’’ group continue in suspense or danger through 
opposition or conflict from without, just so long the already existing 
“in’’ social group gradedness will be held either lightly, or may 
even be retired into the background of the group’s thinking and 
attitudes in the presence of the common danger from without. 
Practically every great struggle in the world’s history has furnished 
examples of this generalization. 


If we can trust the evidence furnished us in the older portions 
of the Rig-Veda, then these migratory tribes of Aryans, subsequent 
to their entrance into India, in their long-continued struggles with 
the original peoples illustrate the general truth, stated above. In 
fact it is not until the time of the latest book of the Rig-Veda (40), 
which is generally recognized by scholars now, as belonging to a 
period much later than the other portions, that we have an awareness 
of the four distinct divisions of the Indian social order, finding a 
place in the literature. So far ag the earlier Rig-Vedic literature is 
concerned the only class distinction which therein finds expression 
is a keen and oft-repeated awareness of the Aryan as distinct from 
the ‘dasa varna’’ of the land (41). Such a statement as this, 
however, is not to be taken as implying that the other class 
distinctions did not exist in the Aryan ‘in’? group, even though 
they may not have found expression in that time’s literary pre- 
cipitate. What is clear at least is: that at that time the “in’’ group 
class distinctions were not in the focus of attention. They were 
either retired temporarily or subsumed in the presence of the common 
danger from without. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 19 


It would appear then that, in all probability, this was not until 
these migratory tribes were already well established, both in political 
and cultural supremacy, over the aborigines; and which in general 
Seems to have been the time when some of them at least have become 
coalesced-tribal kingdoms, and primitive republics, settled in and 
around what was known as Madhyadesha (42). Here we have the 
maturer growth and the hardening of caste into a system. ‘This 
process seems to have proceeded more rapidly in these kingdoms in 
and around Madhyadesha than in others farther eastward (43), if we 
are to trust the traditions which are given to us in the Upanishadic 
literature. Madhyadesha seems to have become the early and chief 
seat of Brahmin culture (44). 


When we reflect upon the second condition, which is presented 
by Cooley, as favourable to the growth of caste (45), we are 
confronted with the fact of India’s long-continued isolation from 
extensive contacts with the rest of the world. This furnished her 
with the needed opportunity wherein her social order might mature 
itself and hence become exceedingly rigid. Macdonnell (46) holds 
that the distinct beginnings of caste should be placed not later than 
1300 B.C. The same writer in another connection (47) states that: 
‘“‘the civilization of India—displays—a continuity, which has scarcely 
a parallel elsewhere.—No other country (with the possible exception 
of China) can trace its language, literature, and institutions through 
an uninterrupted development of more than three thousand years’’. 
Another scholar in the same volume (48) calls attention to the fact 
that while ‘‘successive invaders—Greeks, Parthians, Scythians, and 
Huns—have entered India through the north-west passages; yet all 
of them had either returned whence they came or were rapidly 
absorbed in the general population, and—have left few definite 
traces of their presence. With Islam it was different: its pressure 
from the West was more continuous, and the marked disparity in 
religious belief between the ancient inhabitants and these invaders 
produced far deeper and more lasting results’’. The case of 
Menander, the Indo-Greek king, is, however, a notable exception. 
He seems to have left a definite impression of some extent, both in 
the literature of the Buddhists (49), and in the reference made by the 
grammarian, Patanjali, whom it is now generally accepted, after 
much controversy, was a contemporary of this king (50). Patanjali 
refers to the sieges of two Indian cities by the “Yavans’’ (51). These 
cities have been identified (52). 


With Islam, however, it was different. Its pressure from the 
West was more continuous and extended overa long period (53). 
Consequently, it was not until the Moslem invasions and their 
occupation of India that the latter’s social and religious life and 
institutions became deeply disturbed. This long period of well-nigh 
thirty centuries in which India experienced an almost total absence 
of disintegrating forces from without (54), as well as a comparatively 


20 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


stabilized social situation within has had marked results (55). This 
remarkable experience in conjunction with certain factors has resulted 
in making India’s social order an almost impermeable ‘‘cake of 
custom’’, Ever since the days of the traditional king Janaka of 
Videha (56) and of the Buddha India has had its reformers and 
‘‘protestants’’ against the rigours and fixity of this ‘‘cake of custom’’. 
But it would appear that up until modern days at least this complex 
of social habits and attitudes, that goes by the name of caste, has 
had too long and early a start. It has in consequence become too 
deeply embedded in India’s social structure to give way entirely 
before any reform, whether indigenous or alien, which has as yet 
developed against it. Is it not almost certain that all such attempts 
at reforming India’s social order will fail of success until such time 
as there is the elimination of what Cooley (57) considers the third 
condition, favourable to the growth of caste: ‘ta low state of com- 
munication and enlightenment’’. This author makes his meaning 
clear in the following statement: ‘‘Caste—is the organization of the 
social mind on a biological principle’. Caste holds that ‘functions 
should follow the line of descent instead of adjusting themselves to 
individual capacity and preference’’. From this it is clear that caste 
means'‘the subordination of reason to convenience, or freedom to 
order’. Butas a matter of fact ‘‘the ideal principle is not biological 
but moral; based on the spiritual. gifts of the individual without 
regard to descent. Caste then is something which, as we may assume, 
will give way before this higher principle whenever the conditions 
are such as to permit the latter to work successfully; and this will 
become the case when the population is so mobilized by free training 
and institutions that just and orderly selection becomes practicable.’ 
—‘‘The diffusion of intelligence, rapid communication, the mobili- 
zation of wealth by means of money, and the like, mark the 
ascendancy of the human mind over material and biolegical con- 
ditions’’. 

This new day in India, indicated in the above statement, is 
already on its way. Fundamentally disentegrating forces, such as 
the above, are already operative in India’s long-existent aristocratic 
social order. This may be seen in the growing effort to reconstruct 
it upon a democratic basis. But as for the past, there can be little 
room for doubt but what the ‘‘low state of communication and 
enlightenment’’ among the masses in India has been one of the most 
potent factors in the growth and perpetuation of caste. This same 
author in analyzing the mechanism of communication and enlight- 
enment finds four factors that facilitate and promote the growth of 
communication and enlightenment: first, ‘expressiveness, or the 
range of ideas and feelings it is capable to carry’’; second, **perman- 
ence of record, or the overcoming of the time element’’; third, 
“swiftness, or the overcoming of space’’; and lastly, “diffusion, or 
the accessibility of enlightenment to all classes of men’’(58). All 
but the first of these were almost entirely lacking in India when its 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 21 


characteristic social structure, i. e, caste, took shape and hardened 
into such amazing rigidity. Even to-day in India ‘‘expressiveness”’ 
is practically the only social technique in use among the masses for 
the promotion of communication and enlightenment. Hence so long 
as this condition may continue this complex of social habits and 
attitudes, known as caste, may be expected to remain asa part of 
India’s social inheritance tobe passed on from generation to generation. 


There is, however, another significant factor to be considered, 
which must have played an important part in moulding India’s 
early life and thought, It has to do with the inherent vigour of 
these Aryan tribes, to which reference has already been made (59) , 
and the changed geographic and climatic environment into which 
they later came in the great Gangetic river-valleys. It was here 
that they matured their early characteristic culture. Their new 
environment brought these vigorous tribes face to face with new 
problems and dangers. Formerly they had lived a strenuons and 
largely predatory life. Now they have begun to livea characteristi- 
cally settled life with its comparative easeand opulence in the hot and 
humid Gangetic plains. These new problems and dangers were not 
primarily physical. They were rather those that grew out of a 
social situation in which they, being the physically and intellectu- 
ally vigorous people that they were, were in great danger of 
degenerating through the possession of political, economic, and 
cultural supremacy over the original inhabitants. Leisure brings 
not only opportunities for cultural development, but also for 
indolence and licentiousness. The danger of the latter course being 
pursued is greatly augmented among a people who live in a hot 
climate and who possess an abundance of vital energy. This was 
a new life tothem. It was being lived under very different con- 
ditions from that experienced by the almost countless generations of 
their fathers.. Moreover this change to a new environment wag an 
exceedingly sudden one when judged in racial rather than in in- 
dividual periods of time. 

What would be the result of such a geographic, climatic, and 
social situation upon such a people, so endowed with vital energy 
and thus circumstanced? The raising of sucha question is both 
necessary and important because of its bearing upon our problem. 
It needs to be remembered also that these Aryans, as conquerors 
now carried among their social habits and attitudes deeply-rooted 
inhibitions toward wholesome manual labour because of the presence 
and occupation of the servile class in their midst. Reference to 
the literature of this period bears ample witness to the attitude of 
the Aryan toward this servile class. Take for example the term 
‘‘Shudra’’, which in time came to be applied to all in this class. 
The origin of the term is obscure. Zimmer (60) refers to the fact 
that Ptolemy (61) mentions the ‘‘Sudroi’’? asa people, which the 
former thinks may refer to the Brahui. Weber considers the term 
(G2) as one that originally referred to a large tribe, which opposed 


22 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


the Aryans. Macdonnell and Keith (63) hold that in time this term, 
which originally bad tribal significance, came to be applied to the 
entire servile group. The Satapatha Brahmana, whose geographical 
and ethical allusions, according to Kggeling (64), point almost ex- 
clusively to the regions between the Ganges and Jumna, makes 
marked distinctions between the Aryan and the Shudra. It states 
(65) that the ‘all’? people does not include the Shudras. Further- 
more the Aitareya Brahmana in giving an account of the castes (66) 
mentions the Shudra as ‘‘the servant of another’’. He may be ex- 
pelled or slain, according to the will of his Aryan master. From 
another Brahmana (67) we learn that whilea Shudra might be 
prosperous and the possessor of many cows (which means that there 
were such among the servile class) yet he could never be other than 
aservant. This is psychological evidence that there were those who 
were aspiring to rise above the servile class. His work—we are told, 
was that of washing the feet of his superiors. In the Dharma Sutras, 
which belong to a somewhat later period (68) , not only are similar 
statements to be found, but in addition it is stated (69) that a Shudra 
may be insulted with impunity. But should a Shudra insult one of 
the higher castes, he is to be punished by having that member cut 
off by which he offended (70). Statements such as these reveal the 
extent to which the Aryan group-habits and attitudes of superiority 
have become rigid and have separated them from the servile class; 
and in consequence made it practically impossible for the Aryan, if 
he is to keep social status with his group, to engage in toil similar to 
that of the Shudra. This growing servile class, the members of 
which could be either expelled from service or slain at will, and who 
in the presence of the Aryan (71) had no rights either of property or 
of life, would tend to make the life of the Aryan one of leisure. 
But ease and leisure bring opportunities for higher service and cul- 
ture to those only who are possessed of high ideals of life and 
service. To all others ease and leisure bring swift and insidious 
tendencies toward social, mental, and religious degeneracy. These 
tendencies would be greatly accentuated by the climatic conditions 
of the Gangetic river-valleys. 


When judged in terms of racial-life this change of the Aryans 
from temperate to tropical life conditions was sudden. Can man 
become acclimated to a radically different climate from that in 
which his race developed? The answer to such a question is as yet 
difficult. Adequate data is still unavailable. There are scholars, 
however, on both sides of this question (72). Inany case, however, 
the problem turns very largely upon the question as to the manner 
of life lived in the alien climatic environment as to whl\at the 
outcome will be (73). 

This new climatic, geographic, and social environment would 
create new points of attention, tension, and conflict in their social 
situation. Old habitnated reactions would no longer function 
adequately in the altered environment. As a result and in the 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 23 


process of trial and error, which would be an element in the struggle 
after ‘‘equilibration’’ in the new situation, many excesses and 
abnormalities would develop naturally out of the inhibitions to and 
the excessive accelerations of the normal flow of the vital energy, 
which such a situation would create. A radically different social 
situation in a hot climate leads individuals as well as groups very 
frequently to exhibit surprising and unsuspected impulses and 
reactions. More extended attention will be given to important 
results, arising out of the tensions and conflicts of this new situation, 
in the chapter which follows. Here we are concerned primarily 
with emphasizing the fact that this is a significant factor in deter- 
mining India’s early life and thought, which ought not to be 
overlooked, eventhough we may lack full data to appraise adequately 
the full measure of its influence. 


However, before concluding this chapter it is necessary to refer 
to certain more or less closely related notions, that come into 
prominence in this period, but whose origins are difficult to trace. 
These notions begin in this period under review to make their 
appearance in the literature. Here again, however, we must guard 
against concluding, as some would, that their first appearance in 
literature is necessarily contemporaneous with their first appearance 
in the social inheritance. 


The first of these notions that deserves notice is fate. This 
notion is both early and widespread in the world (74). In India it 
became elaborated early into the ‘‘karma’’ doctrine. Oldenberg 
thinks that the germ of the karma notion may be much older than 
its appearance in Indian literature (75). 


The notion of transmigration also comes into prominence early. 
Macdonnell (76) holds that this notion, in the rough at least, in all 
probability came over from the social inheritance of the early in- 
habitants of India. In any case we are at least safe in holding that 
the ground-plan of this notion as well as that of karma was already 
implicit in the traditional material of that time. It took only the 
growing sense of human need in conflict, or problem-situations to 
sharpen up and elaborate these notions as explanations to enable 
man either to control or to seek “equilibration’’ with situations in 
which he came to feel the tragedies and inequalities of his present 
life. For example, a flood that would suddenly sweep away a man’s 
house and property, a cyclonic storm, or a destructive fire that might 
rob him of all that he possesses would make him feel hisimpotence in 
the presence of a resistless force or power. This would awaken in 
him the conscious need for some explanatory technique to enable 
him to consciously adjust himself to his altered situation. 


Karma and transmigration and their circle of related notions 
would be greatly heightened as explanatory technique in explaining 
the presence of the caste system and in the mind of the reflective as 
justification for its existence. It is probable that the karma and 


24 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


transmigration notions with their co-relates are more deeply em- 
bedded in the social inheritance of all classes of the Hindu people 
than ig the case with any other notion. This would go to show that 
in the caste-system situation in India these notions as explanatory- 
technique in justifying why conditions are as they are have 
functioned more serviceably than any other explanation-tech- 
nique in enabling the Hindu to attain conscious adjustment with his 
world as he knows it. Furthermore it is highly probable that this 
explanation-technique will continue to function thus until the 
conviction begins to be general that this whole caste-world is not a 
divine institution but rather a fiction of the imagination. The fact 
that this circle of karma-transmigration notions has functioned 
more or less serviceably in enabling the reflective Hindu to make 
conscious adjustment with his caste-world situation is the reason 
why it has been so powerful in moulding India’s social habits, atti- 
tudes and ideas. Hence it must be rated as one of the determining 
factors in her early life and thought. 


Another factor that should receive attention in this chapter is 
the early and long continued struggle between the Brahman and the 
warrior classes for supremacy: a struggle in which the former finally 
won. Reflections of this struggle are to be found in the literature 
of this time (77). In fact this struggle helps to give the setting 
and significance to not a little of the early literature and life. At 
the outset, as may be seen from the Rig-Veda, the priest and the 
warrior seem to hold positions of equal importance in the group. 
How does it come about that this equality does not continue ? We 
may find the answer in the initial prestige which the priest possessed 
in the early life in India. He was the one who came in time to have 
the exclusive right of presiding at the sacrifice. It was he who knew 
the ritual prayer, and who was looked upon as the indispensable 
adjunct to the sacrifice (78). Hence he held within his grasp not 
only the possibility of establishing his supremacy over the warrior, 
but also of so embroiling the latter with the people as to rain him 
(79). The early hymns reveal a situation in which the priest is 
sufficiently powerful that he does not hesitate to remind king as 
weli aS warrior that their benefactions ought to be liberal (80). 
In the event that such were not forthcoming the priest did not 
hesitate to threaten (SL). . This would indieate that even in Vedic 
times among some of the Aryan groups at least the priest had 
established his ascendancy over the warrior class. However, such 
an ascendancy, in so farasit may have become integrated in the 
social habits and attitudes of those early Aryan groups, was 
not established in a day. This position of ascendancy, Oldenberg 


holds (82), was not possessed by the Brahman in the earlier ritual. 
It came to him later. 


The tribal chieftain, often hereditary though often elected 
and out of whom grew the king in later times, was for the most 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 25 


part the outgrowth of the patriarchal family. Sometimes, however, 
he was the outgrowth of the medicine-man. But whether he 
evolved from the latter or the former, originally he was both 
chieftain and priest. However, as the tribe grew he was not 
infrequently absent on some campaign. Out of this arose the 
necessity for someone to act in his stead at the time. of sacrifice. 
The one chosen for this function became known as the ‘‘purohita’’ 
i, e. domestic chaplain (83). It would appear that from the 
beginning this functionary, similar to the Brahman, was the 
general supervisor of the sacrifice. For example, Vasishtha was 
purohita as wellas Brahman (84). It is clear that the Brahman 
was often the purohita (85). It was quite natural that this should 
become true when once the position of the Brahman at the sacrifice 
became the most important one, as it did in the time of- the 
later ritual. 


In time a purohita came to be considered as an absolutely 
necessary functionary for a chieftain or king. In the Aitareya 
Brahmana (86), which is generally considered ag one of the later 
literary products of the Brahmana period, it is stated that unless a 
king has a purohita the gods will not accept his offerings. Sacri- 
fices were offered on the eve of a battle, or on other. special 
occasions. These all were for the good fortune of the king and 
through him for the welfare of the people also. A1l.such occasions 
tended to bring the purohita prominently before the people. It 
would tend also to enhance in hisown estimation his importance, 
alike to king and people. It would beget in himan attitude of 
superiority towards others in the group, as being the one who had 
access to the god-world, which, except through him, was closed to 
all others. The awareness of possessing this unique technique of 
intercourse with and control over the god-world would enable the 
purohita to set himself over against king as well as people with a 
fixed attitude of superiority. This would become increasingly 
true as the technique of sacrifice became more complex and 
specialized. 


In time such a class would acquire a recognized monopoly 
alike of the sacred learning and of the all-powerful sacrifice. The 
increasing conflict-situations between the priestly and warrior 
classes would tend, in view of the prestige already in the hands of 
the former, to shape up the whole of the group’s social habits and 
attitudes as well as the ideas in the social inheritance to the advan- 
tage of the former rather than of the latter. And, if we may trust 
our literary sources both for the earlier and the later periods, this is 
just what did happen. 


The available literature affords us glimpses of this struggle 
in its various stages (87). Both Jainism and Buddhism were 
primarily protests against the growing power of Brahmanism and 
its culture. These movements take their beginnings from among 


26 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


the warrior class ; and as such they form a part of the mighty 
struggle, which did not really end in any large or true sense until 
we reach the Gupta period in the fourth century A. D. This period 
not only marks the decadence of Buddhism in India, but it also 
registers the revival and re-establishment of the Brahman prestige 
on a basis so firm that even down to the present it can hardly be 
said to have been seriously shaken. This period is also the time 
when, according to Macdonnell (88), the caste system has reached 
the condition of mature rigidity. It is the time when the Hindu 
system in general may be said to have become matured. All that 
follows may be thought of quite correctly as almost pre-determined 
developments from one or more of the several factors under 
discussion in this chapter. The writer has chosen this period to 
mark the lower limit of India’s early life and thought. 


There are two other important developments, which fall 
within this period: namely, the rise and growth of asceticism as a 
way of life, and the development of the Brahman-Atman specula- 
tion. However the discussion of these remaining determining 
factors is reserved for the chapter following. Although these two 
particular complexes of social habits, attitudes, and ideas became 
integrated in the social inheritance of the Aryans during the 
Brahmanic and Upanishadic periods, yet in their later development 
they carry us beyond the lower time limit, indicated above as 
marking the boundary of India’s early characteristic life and 
thought development. And in addition they are of such impor- 
tance as factors, which arose out of the social] situation created by 
the life in the Doab, that for the purposes of our study they merit a 
more detailed discussion. Therefore these also are to be carried in 
mind as determining factors. 


In concluding this chapter reference may be made briefly to 
the factors, already discussed, as constituting the major determining 
influences, which gave India’s early life and thought her charac- 
teristic bent. We have in the first place a virile race, possessing 
an abundance of vital energy, and having also a social gradedness 
within its group-life with their related social habits, attitudes and 
ideas of superiority on the one hand, and of inferiority on the 
other as a part of their social inheritance and operative in their 
tribal intercourse. Their contacts with the dark-skinned aborigines 
were such as to sharpen up and give deeper emotional content to the 
social habits, attitudes and ideas of superiority. As conquerors 
they settled in the Gangetic river-valleys where the increasing 
rigidity of caste and the social inhibitions they engendered prevented 
the outflow of their vital energy through such wholesome channels 
as physical toil. Living thus new social situations would arise, 
which would evoke new problems whose solution could not be 
effected by the old customary reactions. This whole situation 
would tend to create and perpetuate individual as well as social 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 27 


conflict-situations, tensions and irritations which would carry 
increasing emotional-content, and which would issue in a desire for 
release from such strains and irritations. 


Is it surprising, therefore, that we should find growing up 
‘‘pari passn’’ a new set of social habits, attitudes and ideas, such as 
we find in the development of asceticism as a way of life, and in its 
corollary in the field of thought: the Brahman-Atman speculation ? 


28 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


REFERENCE NOTES. 
(1). Grierson, J. R. A. S. (1901), p. 808 
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 32 


Note—For a radically ditierent view, in which the author 1s practically 
alone among present-day scholars, ct, Pargiter, Ancient Indian Historical 
Tradition, p. 301 f : 


(2). Macdonnell, Sanskrit Literature, p. 45 ff. 
(3). Ency.Brit. (ATV) 7 p71s95 

(4). Breasted, Ancient Times, p, 174 

(5). ? ” 9? 9 


Note:—For a recently-stated difterent view ef. K,. F. Johansen, Nordish 
Tidskritt (Stockholm), reviewedin Rev. of Reviews (XIV), Jul., 1917, 
p. 118, which makes the Baltic regions the original home. 


“(5)”? p. 10 (an error in numbering). Consider it as:— (5a). Rig Veda, X, 119 
(6). Chhandogya Up., VII. 25. 2 
(7). Criticism of Ratzel Semple ‘‘geographic”’ theory in :— 


R. H. Lowie, Culture and Ethnology, (1917) New York 
S. Mathews, Spiritual Interpretation of History 


(8). Thomas, Source Book for Social Origins, p. 29 ff. 

(9). Thomas, ibid. p. 130 

(10). Shilotri, Indo-Aryan Thought and Culture, p. 33 
(11). S. Mathews, ibid. 
(12). Davids, ibid., p. 45f. 
(13). Ency. Brit. (XIV); p. 29 
(14). Shilotri, ibid., p. 18 
(15). Shilotri, ibid. 
(16). Kitch, The Origin of Subjectivity in Hindu Thought 
(17). Macdonnell, Art., Amer. Histl. Review (1914), Hist. of Caste, p, 241 
(18). Gummere, Germanic Origins, p. 154 
(19). Macdonnell, Sanskrit Lit., p. 159 
(20). Rig Veda, IV. 30. 21; X. 38. 3; I. 51. 5, 8; X. 86. 19 
LZ eine Ve vl Sone 

Macdonnell, Vedic Mythology, p. 157 f. 

(22). Cooley, Human Nature and the Social Order, p. 193f. 
(23). Davids, ibid., Chap. II. 
(24). ; » p. 24 
(25). Macdonnell, Hist. of Caste, p. 230 


(26). Cooley, Social Organization, p. 217 ff. 

(27) r ibid., p. 218 

P26 ae yep. 2ee 

(29). ,, 5 p, 226 

(30). Macdonnell and Keith, Vedie Index (11), p. 247 f. 
a1); - » © abid., {1), p. 347 Ff. 


R. V., X. 22. 8: IV. 16. 9, 10; VI. 6. 3; V. 29. 10. 
(32). Shilotri, ibid., pp. 17, 29 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 29 


(33). Cooley, ibid., p. 218 

(34). Sewell, The Hindu Period of Southern India, Imperial Gazetteer, (II), 
p. 322; Risley, The Peoples of India, p. 43 

(35). Imperial Gazetteer (Provincial Series), Central Provs., p. 29 

(36). Sewell, ibid., p. 324 

ec kk, V 1103: 3) 470102) be 27S; TF11) 19; IV. 38,3; VI31..4 

fost te) ke ¥.9. Vs 102-3 

(39). Cooley, Human Nature and the Social Order, p. 241 

(40). R. V., X90. 12 

(41). Macdonnell, Art., Imperial Gazetteer (II), p. 221 f. 


a Sanskrit Lit., 152 f. 
(42). . ibid., pp. 160, 214. 
i Art., Imperial Gaz., (II), p. 227 


(43), Shilotri, ibid., p. 30 
Macdonnell, Sanskrit Lit , pp. 213-215 

(44). Macdonnell, Art., Imperial Gaz., (II), p. 
Keith, Samkhya System, p. 50 

(45). Cooley, Social Organization, p. 218 

(46). Macdonnell, Art., Early Hist. of Caste, p. 230 

(47), - , Imperial Gaz, (II), p. 206 

(48). Irvine, Art., Mohammedan India, Imperial Gaz., (II), p. 350 

(49). Smith, Early Hist. of India, p. 213 

0 ,.- tbid:; p. 192 

ree pros 

(52). ” ”9 » Pp. 192 

(53). Irvine, ibid., p. 350 

(54). Shilotri, ibid., p. 36 

(55). Cooley, Human Nature and Social Order, p. 274 

(56). Brihadaranyaka Up., IV. 1ff. 

(57). Cooley, Social Organization, p. 226 

(58). Cooley, Social Organization, p. 80 

(59)... p..9 . 

(60). Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, pp. 216, 225 

(61). Ptolemy, VI. 20 

(62). Weber, Indische Studien, 18. 85, 255 

(63). Macdonnell and Keith, Vedic Index (IJ), p. 388ff.; E. R. E., (XI), p. 914f 

(64), Eggeling, S. B. E., (XII), p. xli. 

(65). Satapatha Brahmana, IV. 1. 2, 14 

(66). Aitareya Brahmana, VII. 29. 4 

(67). Panchavitmsha Brah. VI. 1. 11 

(68). Farquhar, Outline Religious Lit. of India, p, 38 

(69). Dharma Sutras, S. B. E. (II), p. 237 

(70), ”? %” ” p. 236 

(71), » ” p. 236 


ho 
iw) 
“J 


30 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


(72). Ency. Brit. (11), p. 118 


(WS}C yPigy p. 119 
(74). E.R. E. (V), p. 777 
(75). + p. 790 


(76), Macdonnell, Imperial Gaz. (II), p, 253 

(77). Chh. Up., ¥V. 11-24; Brihad Aranyaka Up. VI. 2 

(78). Macdonnell and Keith, Vedic Index (II), p. 251 
Ency. Brit. (IV), p. 378 

(79). Taittiriya Samhita (II), 2.11, 2 

(80). R. V., V. 42. 7-9 


(S1)CR. VielVool 2 : 
Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, p. 68ff. 


(82). Oldenberg, Rel. des Vedas, p. 380-381 
(83). Macdonnell and Keith, ibid. (II), p. 5 
(84). R, V., X, 150. 5; VIL. 33. 11. 

(85). Macdonnell and Keith, ibid. (11), p. 5ff. 


(86). Aitareya Brahmana, VII. 24 
Pargiter, Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, p. 326 


(87). Davids, Buddhist India, p. 157 
Macdonnell and Keith, ibid. (II), p. 202ff. 


(88). Macdonnell, Art., Early Hist. of Caste, p. 230 


CHAPTER II 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF ASCETICISM AND THE 
BRAHMAN-ATMAN SPECULATION 


Reference has already been made to the fact that the extent 
to which the area is curtailed within which an individual has 
opportunity for self-expression to that extent unwholesome results 
follow. It was also noted, moreover, that after the Aryans entered 
India, especially after they settled as conquerors in the Doab, their 
social order, with its rapidly crystallizing caste habits, attitudes, 
notions, and beliefs, was such as to promote these very unwholesome 
results, which effected adversely both the individual and the 
groups. | 

Furthermore, when the area for individual self-expression is 
greatly narrowed the feeling-content of the remaining individual 
self-expression-activities is correspondingly augmented (1). A 
more or less fixed-complex of social habits, attitudes and ideas, 
such as caste represents, takes care almost automatically of wide 
areas of each individual’s activities. This reduces correspondingly 
those areas wherein the individual is left free for self-expression. 
Hence, sooner or later such a situation is bound to create in 
individuals, so circumstanced, a more or less consciously and 
impulsively-felt hinderance to the desire for release in larger self- 
expression. Inhibitions, such as these which are imposed from 
without, become suffused with feeling-tone and create a ‘‘dammed- 
up’’ feeling. This latter, should it become too intense, is likely to 
break forth with a momentum proportional to the tenseness of the 
feeling-tone, evoked by these inhibitions. The momentum of 
such a feeling-tone when it does find expression, especially when 
inhibitions, such as indicated, are widely felt in a group, will for 
its release either break new channels in the gocial habits and 
attitudes of a group, or, what is more likely, modify or reconstruct 
those already operative in the group’s life. Out of such situations 
in a group popular movements arise, 


What gave rise to the ascetic way of life? It came into the 
foreground during the period referred to in the previous chapter. 
If we may trust our literary sources, which are held to reflect 
conditions in this period, the ascetic way of life must be classed as 
a popular religious movement. Jacobi considers that as early as 
the eighth century B. C. asceticism as a way of life had received a 
recognized place in the life of the Aryan groups. Otherwise the 
laws laid down to regulate this type of life have no meaning. 


32 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Furthermore one may dip into the stream of early Buddhist 
literature at almost any point and find evidence that those who 
entered this ascetic way of life were drawn from all classes. Many 
women also were numbered among those who became ascetics. 


Contemporaneous with this ascetic development is another : 
the Brahman-Atman speculation. Oldenberg refers to this fact 
when he states (2) that ‘‘the doctrine of the Eternal One and the 
origin of the monastic life in India are simultaneous’’. 


This chapter will concern itself with tracing in outline, as 
best one may, the origins. and the salient features of these two 
developments with a view to showing their relations to the later 
ascendancy of the bhakti development as a way of salvation, which 
later meta religious need unsupplied by the ascetic way of life 
and its related thought-development. 


A recent writer (3) has made the apt observation that ‘‘the 
whole ascetic ideal is a judgment of pessimism passed upon the 
world of physical reality, from which ascetic practices are to secure 
deliverance’’. A study of asceticism (4), while it makes one aware 
that much investigation especially in the field of the psycho- 
pathological remains to be done, yet sets forth certain broad facts 
plainiy: namely, that the origins, the meaning-content, and the 
technique of asceticism are varied. Its origins may be pathological, 
representing a perversion of one or more of the primary instincts. 
Its meaning-content may be disciplinary with a view merely to 
spiritual conquest. But it may represent also a distinctly pessimistic 
attitude towards life. The technique of its practice may have had 
originally no relation to asceticism, Its primary relationship may 
have been with climate, such as the wearing of sandals. But such 
a practice upon being transferred to a cold climate becomes a 
technique of asceticism. ‘Thus it has transpired that survivals and 
primitive customs have again and again become the highly developed 
technique and symbolism of the ascetic way of life. 


While it is true that varied motives and meaning-contents 
have been operative in the development of asceticism in India also, 
yet it can scarcely be gainsaid that a pessimistic attitude towards 
life is the tap-root of its ascetic development. 


The early Vedic religion, as already noted, was neither gloomy 
nor ascetic in its tendencies. With the exception of the hymns of 
the tenth book of the Rig-Veda, which scholars acknowledge 
belongs to a much later religious development, they all exhibit a 
keen delight in the beauties of nature, with its sublimity and 
pathos. Moreover the motive operating in its many sacrifices is 
primarily a desire to possess the good things of life. They contain 
no taint of melancholy or pessimism. However, one ought not 
therefore to conclude that ascetic habits, attitudes and ideas were 
unknown to the early Aryan communities. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 33 


It is in the tenth book where the ascetic tendency begins to 
manifest itself (5). Again when one turns to the Atharva-Veda a 
spirit very different from that of the Rig is dominant therein. Its 
spirit is one of gloom and pessimism. 


The word ‘‘tapas’’ is the one which came to be applied in 
particular to religious penance, austerity and devotion. It is only 
in the tenth book where this term comes into prominence. In the 
Creation Myth, for example (6), it is stated that it was through the 
power of ‘‘tapas’’ that the Primal Being began to create. Again it 
was by ‘‘tapas’’ that Indra gained possession of heaven (7). 
Mortals also win heaven by the practice of ‘tapas’? (8). In the 
early use of this term it seems to imply warmth or heat. In the 
passages referred to this seems to be the meaning that is prominent. 
Then it came to mean the heat or fervour of devotion (9). Lastly 
we have it signifying the familiar idea of austerity or self-mortifica- 
tion. Inthe Atharva-Veda this term is still more prominent. Here 
this practice is supposed to give one advantage with the gods and 
power to bring about the fulfilment of one’s desires (10). By the 
power of austerities the Vedic student ‘‘goes at once from the 
eastern to the northern ocean’’ (11). Even the gods are under 
obligation to practice austerities (12). In this Veda the austerities 
practised are with a view to the acquisition of magical powers. 


The evidence presented above is sufficient to prove both the 
prominence and the wide prevalence of this type of religious life 
during the period under consideration. One may now inquire 
more specifically as to what were the major factors, operating in 
the total situation, which brought this way of life into the 
foreground of the religious thinking and life of the time? Its 
prominence and wide prevalence furnish evidence sufficiently 
conclusive to prove that this ascetic way of life must have met 
more or less successfully some felt-need in the life of that time. 
This remains true even though one may recognize, as one ought, 
that once any complex of social habits and attitudes becomes 
integrated in a group’s life it becomes augmented in no small 
measure through factors, such as suggestibility and imitation. 
These operate in all stages of human development (13). From 
what source or sources did this way of life get the ground-pattern 
that served as the basis for its beginnings and later development ¢ 
As yet we do not have available data sufficient to enable us to 
determine just how long previous to the Buddhist and Jain religious 
developments this type of religious life became aware of itself as 
something set over against and more or less consciously separate 
from the existent group-life. However, the recent researches of 
Jacobi have made it plain that asceticism-was a prominent feature 
of Aryan communities some centuries at least before the days of 
the Buddha. The early groups of ascetics, who severed the ties 


34 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


that bound them to home-life, prepared the way for the monasticism 
of the Buddhists. In the time of the Buddha asceticism was such 
a prevalent, well-established, and recognized type of religious life 
that rulers and people alike made provision for the needs of such 
(14). Such facts presuppose an extended development, even though 
the available data give one but intermittent glimpses of its growth. 


This social complex of habits, attitudes and beliefs, both as 
to its structure or technique and as to its content wag certainly not 
created ‘‘ out of whole cloth ’’, Channels of some sort or other 
must have been ready to hand and operative in the group’s life. 
These would serve as means to take care of the emotional discharge 
of tensions and to give the start and “set’’ to this way of life, 
which served aS a release or a way of salvation to some deep and 
widely prevalent tensions in the life of that time. This is an 
indubitable fact. Otherwise such a widely prevalent phenomenon 
in a group is inexplicable. In the large then one may be certain 
that the ascetic development represents a reaction in relation to 
some one or more factors that were operating in the then total 
social situation. 


What were these ? One would be overbold to assume that all 
could be indicated and given their proper, proportional appraisal in 
that far away time. All that can reasonably be expected isa 
delineation of the most probable major factors. In seeking to deal 
with these, which seem to have been fundamental in the growth 
of the ascetic way of life, it will prove serviceable to differentiate 
as far as may be possible, between the technique ard the meaning- 
content of this type of religious practice and thought. 


From whence came the technique of Indian asceticism? It is 
well to state that what one is concerned with here is the initial 
technique which enabled the ascetic to become conscious of a new 
way of life as set over against the existent group-life. It is clear 
that once this new social complex of habits and attitudes with their 
attendant ideas and beliefs becomes operative in a group there 
enters into it the elaboration, modification and refinement of the 
original technique. This comes through such as: the trial and 
error process, or accretions, these latter taking place through new 
members and through contacts with other groups, possessing 
divergent practices. All such are operative from the very beginning. 
As a matter of fact such an activity gets started at first more or less 
unconsciously. One has the experience and later awakes to the 
fact that it is new. Then one begins to look around for some 
technique, which may be nothing more than some word used in 
a new way, to describe, define, or symbolize the experience through 
which one has just passed. 


v 
TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION oo 


What was the ready-to-hand tool that became the technique 
for this way of life? This is a question difficult to answer because 
of the paucity of the data. However one can at least raise questions 
and state probabilities. Did the material for the technique of this 
type of religious life exist already among the aborigines, or was 
it provided by the practice of austerities, which was and remains 
a more or less clearly defined characteristic of religious phenomena 
the world over (15) ? More light is required before a specific 
answer can be given to such a question. However, it is not 
improbable that some sort of ascetic development already existed 
among the aborigines. Theirs was a dark and gloomy type of 
religion, as reflected in the Atharva-Veda, and hence more likely 
to give rise to such a religious type of ‘*world-flight’’,. In case such 
already existed among the aboriginal peoples its power of suggestion 
would be by no means eliminated because of the conquerors’ settled 
attitude of either contempt or hatred. Suggestibility operates in 
us all, even in relation to those whom we dislike or hold in contempt 
(16). The Atharva-Veda, the Brahmanas and the early Buddhist 
literature all reflect a background that is full of magical devices 
and notions, the purposes of which were to effect specific ends. 
Therefore while we may not be able to place our hands on specific 
sources for the technique of the beginnings of the asceticism that 
came into prominence in the period under survey, yet the evidence 
is sufficient that the jungle of magical devices and notions would 
not lack in power of suggestiveness as to the matter of technique. 
This is perhaps about as far as one can be explicit in the light of the 
present available data, 


We now turn to consider the meaning-content of the ascetic 
notion itself. It may be thought of as a way of salvation. However, 
to be more explicit it does not present a unified notion as to what 
this type of religious life is to be a salvation from. The content of 
the salvation sought will be colored more or less by the experience 
of the individual and also by the character of the social situation 
out of which he has fled. In other words, while those who take 
up the ascetic way of life habituate themselves to a complex of 
habits and attitudes with their related notions and beliefs that have 
much in common, yet it does not follow that the content of the 
salvation they are seeking is necessarily a unified one. 


While it may not be possible to trace all the factors which 
gave color and shape to the salvation-content in the ascetic way 
of life, yet we are safe in referring to three at least of the significant 
factors which gave prominence and elaboration to this type of 
religious life. These all were operative in the social situation 
during the period under survey: namely, the standardization of the 
Atharvan type of religion with its magical and superstitious 
practices and thought-world, the growing power of caste, and 


4 


36 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


lastly the sense of satiation and world-weariness which became 
such a marked characteristic of both the life and the thought from 
the time of the Atharva-Veda onward. These factors will be 
discussed in the above order, which may be taken in general as 
indicative of the order in which they emerged as potent factors in 
giving prominence to the ascetic religious life. 


Turning now to the first- major factor it may be noted that 
the religion which is reflected in the older portions of the Rig-Veda 
is aristocratic: a religion primarily for ‘the priestly and warrior 
classes. But the tenth book of the Rig-Veda begins to reflect a 
different spirit. This becomes increasingly true in the Atharva- 
Veda, which as Bloomfield remarks ‘‘represents the broad current 
of popular religion’. In this we have a great mass of crude folk- 
beliefs, magic, the worship of snakes and of stocks and stones. 
This weird religion that is reflected in the Atharva-Veda is doubt- 
less older than that of the Rig-Veda. However the incorporation 
of this material in the Atharva-Veda is much later. This al} 
represents an infiltration from the lower strata of popular thought 
and life and hence the religion exhibited in the Atharva-Veda is an 
admixture of Aryan and non-Aryan elements (17). In the Atharva- 
Veda the deities of the Rig-Veda are still recognized. However, in 
the latter they are thought of as free personal beings. Whereas in 
the former they have become depersonalized to such an extent as to 
be mere instruments in the service of the worshipper. In the above 
we have a world of thought that hag much in common with primi- 
tivity. In the Atharva-Veda it is evident that we have a re-working 
of this primitive material in relation with that which has been 
taken from the older Veda and which has been done by the priests, 
interested always in maintaining their ascendancy over the minds 
of the people in general. This infiltration from the traditional 
material of the lower strata of popular. practice and thorght has 
been aptly characterized by Whitney (18). “The mantra, prayer, 
which in the older Veda is the instrument. .of devotion, is here 
rather the tool of superstition ; it wrings from the unwilling hands 
of the gods the favours which of old their goodwill to men induced 
them to grant, or by simple magical power obtains the fulfilment 
of the utterer’s wishes. The most prominent feature of the Atharva- 
Veda is the multitude of incantations which it contains. These are 
pronounced either by the person, who is himself to be benefitted, or 
more often by the sorcerer for him’’. This then is a religion of 
magic. The sorcerer and the medicine-man are supreme, By the 
power of magic man can become a partaker and controller of divine 
power. Prayer, ritual and sacrifice all tend more and more to 
become not the means whereby the worshipper comes into touch 
with deity, who in the Rig-Veda is thought of as a free personal 
being. Prayer, ritual and sacrifice are themselves powers which 
exist alongside of deities and spirits. Hence the inevitable happens: 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 37 


the deities as free personal beings drop more and more into the 
background, and the universe, as then thought of, becomes filled 
more and more with all kinds of capricious powers. Thege are 
likely to do anything against those who have offended them. They 
must needs be placated. The means whereby this is accomplished 
has no relation to ethical conduct. Among the deities of the 
Rig-Veda the most impressive figure is that of Varuna, the 
thousand-eyed, who is the upholder of law and order. However in 
the Atharva-Veda he recedes into the background and his place is 
taken by Prajapati and Indra, who are almost entirely devoid of 
any qualities, which could be thought of as: ethical. In the 
Atharva-Veda tapas has also become of the: nature of magic. By 
it great ascetics are able to control the elemental forces, 


This emphasis on asceticism, found in the Atharva-Veda, 
whence has it come? Is it through infiltration from the non-Aryan 
traditional material, or does it represent the re-working of this 
primitive material in the interests of the ascetic development ? It is 
certain that by the time of this Veda a considerable admixture of 
non-Aryan with Aryan blood had already taken place(19). Such 
would presuppose some admixture also of the non-Aryan social 
inheritance with that of the Aryan. Was asceticism one of the 
elements in that non-Aryan social inheritance which became 
transferred ? As yet in answer to such aninquiry we may not be 
able to present a matured judgment. Yet in any case once the 
Atharvan type of religious life became standardized in Aryan 
groups it would not fail to become a potent factor in promoting the 
ascetic development. If we may trust our sources for this period, 
the Atharva-Veda had some difficulty in securing recognition 
alongside the other Vedas. In many of the early Hindu scriptures 
we have only the three Vedas mentioned (20). Moreover the 
canonical works of the Buddhists do not mention it, Then in the 
second place this is just the period marked by the growing rigidity 
of caste. Both of these above facts would go to show that among 
the Aryan groups there was a considerable body of conviction 
deeply opposed both to the Atharvan type of religion and also to 
intermixture with non-Aryan elements. However, the Atharvan 
type won out in the struggle. There can be little doubt that the 
religion of the Atharva-Veda, with its universe of irresponsible and 
unaccountable capricious powers, became a large factor in developing 
the pessimistic outlook which from then onward became such an 
outstanding characteristic of Indian life and thought. This in turn 
would contribute largely to the promotion of “worldflight’’. 


However, this very opposition to the Atharvan type on the 
part of elements in the Aryan groups would in turn develop 
separatist groups with ascetic tendencies. We now turn to a 
consideration of this point. , } 


38 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


The notion of austerities and of their potency with the 
god-world powers, whether or not the latter be thought of as 
ancestors, demons, or deities, is a very old and prevalent one (21). 
Asceticism represents a later development when the social situation 
of a group gives considerable leisure and opportunity for reflection. 
Austerities of some sort or other is a general characteristic of all 
tribal life. The practice of self-discipline, and bodily laceration 
with a view to being saved from the wrath of the god-world powers 
would readily grow out of such practices as tribal initiation- 
ceremonies with their rigorous practices of fasting, blood-letting, 
and the mystic symbols, connected with the tribal ancestors or the 
tribal deity. Such practices with their related notions are common 
in the social inheritance of all early group-life. 


When the Aryans entered India their form of group-life was 
tribal. As such it would have in its social inheritance both the 
technique and the notions and beliefs common to such life. The 
period in which the ascetic way of life came into prominence is the 
one marked by the coalescence of many of these tribes into kingdoms. 
This would involve a gradual decline and break-up of many of the 
old tribal practices and notions, and thereby adda deep, disturbing 
factor in the social habits, attitudes and ideas of groups so effected. 
This very process would open a wider door of opportunity for the 
entrance of practices and notions such as we have already noted in 
the Atharvan type of religious development. It would also promote 
the isolation of individuals and of little groups. which would be 
zealous for the old tribal order of life and practices, especially those 
around which had gathered strong emotional-tones. This is an 
unvarying characteristic of all times of transition. Even though 
we may not be able to put our finger on specific literary evidence 
describing this process, yet we may be sure that in such a time of 
transition as marked the passing of the Aryans from the Punjab 
into the great Gangetic areas, whence arose kingdoms which 
absorbed many tribes, this general characteristic such as belongs to 
such times exhibited itself. We need to remind ourselves again 
and again, lest we forget, that religious literature, no matter how 
extensive it may be, is never to be equated with the religious current 
of ongoing life out of which it at most becomes nothing 
more than a precipitate at points of social and religious tension 
and conflict. Then again we may not be in possession of all the 
literary precipitate of any one time. Therefore in such cases we are 
thrown back upon our knowledge of the fundamental characteristics 
of group-life and upon illustrative material drawn from literary 
precipitates where, in such times, the process is delineated. An 
admirable illustration of what happens in a group at such times is 
given us in the Old Testament (22). The Israelite tribes, living in 
Canaan, are depicted in the process of transition from a tribal to a 
kingdom-order of group-life. Individuals and small groups, zealous 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 39 


for the old order, and in their distress over the evil days that have 
befallen the old tribal-order, isolate themselves and take on more 
or less definite ascetic characteristics, both as to technique and to 
notions. These all are made up naturally out of the stuff that 
constituted in their estimation the most significant elements of the 
now decaying social order of tribal life. In focussing attention 
upon these elements, and, in the effort to preserve them from menace 
or ruin, these very notions and their accompanying technique tend 
to become more and more elaborated and idealized. Such isolated 
individuals and small conservative groups with their idealized 
survival-technique and beliefs would tend to form nucleating centres 
around which an ascetic way of life would naturally take a more or 
less definite shape and grow. Furthermore in times marked by 
great national distress or tensions, caused through radical changes 
in the social situation, a marked characteristic of group-life is to 
revert to more primitive ways of religious practice and thought. 
An example of this is found in the reaction under Manasseh of 
Judah. The period under review was characterized by instability 
-and transition. In such a time the first factor indicated above 
would be without doubt important in contributing to the development 
of asceticism. 


Again this period was marked by the growing rigidity of caste, 
which, as indicated above, is held to be a second major factor in the 
promotion of such a religious type of life. While it must be 
granted that we lack specific descriptive literary evidence to furnish 
proof for the growing dominance of the crystallizing system of caste 
beyond such Brahman centres as in and around Madhyadesha, yet 
we obtain not a little light from the significant implications of 
certain phases of the Buddha’s teaching. It may be urged by some 
that we have no specific literary evidence for the prevalence 
and growing dominance of caste in the early centres of Buddhism. 
What then is the meaning of the Buddha’s teaching with reference 
to caste ? The significance of this point is not eliminated even 
though one should agree with Hoernle (23) and Radhakrishnan (24) 
that neither Jainism nor Buddhism represents a revolt against caste 
as such, but rather against ‘‘the caste exclusiveness of the 
Brahminical ascetics’’, Can any such teaching as the Buddha’s 
have meaning or appropriateness save only as it registers an 
awareness of something already present and operative in the social 
situation in the midst o! which the Buddha lived? It is common 
knowledge among scholars that he rejected not only the Vedas but 
also the other sacred scriptures of the Brahmans. What would be 
the point in this position of his unless Brahman culture and its 
social exclusiveness had already become a dominating factor in the 
areas where he lived and taught? In the time of the early 
Brahmanas Brahmans lived in Videha (25). Furthermore Eggeling 


40 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


agrees with Weber (26) that the Satapatha Brahmana originated in 
the east of the Kuru-Panchala country. To the writer the Buddha’s 
frequent references to caste and to the sacred scriptures of the 
Brahmans carries with it far-reaching implications regarding the 
presence and power of Brahman culture with its growing caste 
rigidity, the cogency of which cannot be set aside because we do 
not happen to have a literary precipitate to which we can turn for 
specific proof. Teaching on any point is never called forth until 
there already exists a situation or condition in society over against 
which the teaching is set, and from which it gets its meaning and 
cogency. 


To the above, moreover, is to be added the significant fact 
that the ranks of early Buddhism were crowded with members 
drawn from the lower orders of society. The Buddha offered a 
salvation that was forall. Here again one may ask the question as 
to why he should emphasize such a point save as it took its 
Significance and was set over against another type of salvation 
which had vogue in Brahman circles ? What does this flocking of 
the lower ranks into the fold of Buddhism mean unless it be a more 
or less articulate awareness of a social situation that existed already 
in the area to the eastward of Madhyadesha? Perhaps someone 
may answer that it might have been economic conditions rather 
than the Brahman social system, that drove so many of the lower 
classes into the Buddhist fold. Yet in answer one may add that it 
is just such a social complex of habits, attitudes, and beliefs as the 
Brahman culture was calculated to promote which would create an 
increasing degradation of the economic condition of,the lower 
classes of society. From considerations such as the above it is clear 
that one is dealing with a social situation, that existed in greater or 
less degree in the Buddha areas as well as in and around 
Madhyadesha, in which the caste social complex was making itself 
felt before as well as during the times of the Buddha. 


This social complex must be rated as the second major factor 
in the promotion of the ascetic way of life. Asceticism was in part 
at least a revolt from, or a protest against the growing tyranny of 
caste (27). Asceticism knew no caste distinctions. Into this new 
type of life came members from all sections of the then existing 
society (28). Furthermore it is clear that the ascetic’s imaginative 
heaven-construct knew no caste distinctions (29). Hence it is 
evident that to many at least, who entered this type of life, it was 
sought as salvation from a present social order in which there was 
caste into another present condition in which caste was not 
recognized with a view to finally entering a future heavenly-social 
order in which caste is unknown. The ascetic overcame the existent 
social order in which caste existed by a higher synthesis in which 
caste had no legitimate place. This advancing social complex of caste 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION AY 


in the social inheritance was undoubtedly one of the major sources 
of the deep-felt need which drove so many into this way of life. 
Otherwise large sections of society of every grade would not have 
found such representation therein. 


However, it is one thing to forsake the established social 
order and enter the ascetic way of life. It is quite another to 
“sublimate’’ (30), or eliminate that in the human which inheres in 
the. instincts and impulses. “For five and twenty years since 
I came forth not for one moment could my heart attain the 
blessedness of calm serenity. No peace I found. My every 
thought was soaked inthe fell drug of sense-desire’’ (31). This 
must have described the experience of very many _ indeed, 
especially those who were still young, who became ascetics. 


Although multitudes of ascetic novitiates must have ex- 
perienced areal sense of joyous release when they came into this 
new typeof life with its larger freedom, yet although they ‘‘fled 
the world’’ they carried within themselves into the ‘homeless 
life’ the habits, attitudes, beliefs and memory images, which were 
all built into their experience while they were still “in the 
world’’. To flee from these was quite another matter. What is 
still more, they could not dehumanize themselves, even though many 
of them went a long way in that direction (32). The sense of joyous 
release from the worldly life is clearly and beautifully reflected in 
the psalms of the Buddhist monks and nuns of a later period (33). 
As human nature is much the same always, the sincere ascetics 
of the pre-Buddhistic times must also have known something of 
this glad release. Furthermore it is reasonable to hold that as in 
the case of the Buddhist nung and monks ofa later time (34), 
so alsoin the earlier days of the ascetic: development, many of 
those who entered this type of life were those who previously 
had lived worldly and lascivious lives. A hot climate, indolence, 
the inhibitions of the caste social complex with servile and slave 
classes to perform all the needed manual labor (35) would open 
wide the door for all kinds of worldly and licentious living. 
Then too, even after any such had forsaken the world and entered 
this new way, there would still be the survivals of the old habits, 
registered in their nerves and memory images, their sex impulses 
and the instinct itself. For all such the struggle would be a 
greatly complicated and intensified one, even though the old life 
had been fled from primarily because of their satiation with and 
disgust for it (36). | 

In any case this new type of life called for a rigorous effort, 
generally of long duration, to control, delimit, “‘sublimate’’ and 
suppress the vital energies of man’s body, especially those connect- 
ed with sex. We do not know how true to fact Manu’s statement 


42 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


is (37). He states that **many thousands of Brahmans, who were 
chaste from their youth, have gone to heaven~ without continuing 
their race’. The effort to accomplish such results developed in 
time a very elaborate technique as to posture, breathing, food, 
austerities, &¢., which in India has reached the perfection of its 
elaboration in the Yoga system, a system of practice rather than of 
thinking, and the oldest in India. The above technique, for the 
purposes of control and elimination, was doubtless developed 
slowly and piece by piece in the effort to relieve the sense of 
irritation and tension, which the inner “urge’’ created in the 
ascetic’s life. The technique which was found to be the most 
serviceable for the end sought would in time come into the most 
general currency; and would become standardized in both the 
earlier as well as the later and more perfected system of Yoga. 


In this struggle, incident to the reduction of life and the 
suppression of its desires, which characterized the life of the true 
ascetics—there were many who were not true (38)—we pass to the 
consideration of the third major factor: the attitude towards life 
of world-wearinesgs and satiation which also marked this period. 


The arrival and settlement of the Aryan conquerors in the 
great and luxuriant Gangetic river-valleys would create a social 
situation possessing many new problems, as was briefly intimated 
in the preceding chapter. The old habituated social habiis and 
attitudes would serve adequately no longer in the new home. 
Hence more or less acute felt-strain and the need for release or 
control would arise in the Aryan groups. As a result, the old 
social complexes would begin to disintegrate; anda more or less 
articulate effort after adjustment and control would be sought. 
The developing caste complex would act as an obstacle to the 
freedom of any effort after adjustment; and consequently would 
suffuse the growing felt-need with deepening emotional-tone. 
The intensity of this emotion-laden need would be indicative of 
the intensity with which it would flow forth whenever an avenue 
for release, or for a higher synthesis might chance to be opened up. 
The above statement ought to receive this qualification that those 
of the upper classes who were instrumental in the shaping up of 
this caste complex would not experience this sense of strain like 
the lower castes, who came under its restraining power. In time, 
however, even the creators of this caste complex would come 
within the sweep of its restraining power when once it became 
deeply fixed in the social inheritance. 


However, the sense of strain, which factors like the above 
created, was still further complicated by geographic, economic, 
and climatic forces. For example in hot climates there is an early 
maturing of sex instinct and a greater vigour to its impulses than 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 43 


in colder climes. Then tothis must be added the fact that the 
coutrol of a large servile and slave class and the natural fruitfulness 
of these great river-valleys made life easy to multitudes of the 
upper classes. All this would complicate greatly the total social 
situation. Herein are possibilities both for culture and degeneracy. - 
If one may judge by works such as Richard Schmidt (39), which 
deal with India’s erotic literature, both early and later, then such 
a situation must have meant degeneracy to very many. Here and 
there we get glimpses in the religious literature also which reflect 
such a situation (40). However, on the other hand it does not 
necessarily follow, as Shilotri’s statement (41) would indicate, that 
when such people by their degenerate practices would become 
self-eliminative, the social habits and attitudes which their practices 
brought into the social inheritance would also perish with them. 

In groups where degeneracy becomes prevalent there arise 
sooner or later social habits, and attitudes, with related notions and 
beliefs indicative of world-weariness and dissatisfaction towards the 
world and life in general. This is just the period also when karma 
and transmigration received their elaboration and came into pro- 
minence in the social inheritance. Did the prevalent degeneracy 
promote this process of elaboration and explanation, or was the 
development ‘‘pari passu’’ in which there was mutual action and 
reaction? While one may not be able to express a matured judgment 
on this point, yet it is altogether probable that this is what hap- 
pened. In any case the karma and transmigration notions 
are such as would promote habits, attitudes, and notions which 
would exhibit more or less of world-weariness towards life. By 
the time of the Buddha both karma and transmigration with 
their related notions had become go deeply integrated in the social 
inheritance of the Aryan groups generally that they are taken 
for granted as valid without examination. Such notions when 
once they have become operative in the general social inheritance 
would play no small part in promoting such attitudes as are 
now under discusssion. 

In the days of the Buddha and later there must have been 
thousands (42) from among the upper castes, who, satiated with 
lascivious living, entered one or more of the many ascetic groups. 
The condition could not have been much different in the near 
centuries previous to the Buddha because the social situation in 
general was similar. While the Buddha asa young man, whether 
nobleman or prince, may not have gone the lengths into degeneracy 
experienced by others, yet, if we may trust our sources for the 
story of his renunciation of the world (43), it is true that it was 
satiation that turned him from the world. When in that attitude 
towards life the sight of the monk, &c. must have acted with strong 
power of suggestion to send him forth into the ‘shomeless life’’, such 
ag many others had already done in their effort to attain salvation. 


44 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


In the lives of all those who have given themselves over to 
lascivious practice and imagery, the latter tends to develop in those 
especially whose desires exceed either their opportunity or their 
physical power to gratify such desires. In the case of those who, 
after establishing such habits and imagery through lascivious living, 
went over into the ascetic life because of satiation and disgust with 
the world, they would carry with themselves into this new life not 
merely their sex impulses and instinct but also the memory images 
and the survivals of their earlier habits and attitudes. Here then 
would be an already-prepared inner complex or structure upon 
which to develop religious eroticism by the easy process of transfer 
and idealization. Evidence is not lacking that in the times of the 
Brahmanas and Upanishads such an idealization wasa part of the 
ascetic’s intellectual stock-in-trade and formed a part of his social 
inheritance (44), 


Here then we have many satiates who have fled from the 
world bringing withthem their habit and imagery survival-complexes. 
Then on the other hand we have the long, hard struggle of the 
ascetic who for other reasons had ‘fled the world’’. May not the 
struggles of both these types of ascetics to dehumanize themselves 
be the major sources from whence arose the strong tendency towards 
and later development of religious eroticism ? However, one does 
not wish to be understood as maintaining that there were no 
sources of religious eroticism outside the ascetic development. The 
warm intimate worship of the local cults would also tend to promote 
such a development. But our difficulty here is the common one 
in the study of early Indian situations. Furthermore, until this 
whole field of eroticism and its relation to religion is more thoroughly 
investigated with scientific precision, it will not be possible to solve 
many problems connected therewith. Then again it is such a 
positively ‘‘dirty’’ field of study that it is rarely chosen, save by 
those, such as the alienists, who because of their tasks are forced to 
work in it. 


Furthermore, this question of eroticism brings up the larger 
problem as to the relation of sex to religion. What part, if any, 
does sex play in religion? To give an extended answer to sucha 
question would be somewhat aside from the specific task here 
attempted. Consequently we shall be compelled to set up a 
somewhat dogmatically-stated general basis upon which to work. 
While one may be unwilling to give as large a place to sex in 
religion as do some (45), especially when considering the normal 
and higher forms of religion rather than its abnormalities (46), or 
primitive types (47), yet one is compelled to recognize that both 
unconsciously and consciously it isa factor of large significance, 
especially in the aberrant types of religious experience (48). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 45 


Therefore, since sex instinct and its impulses must be reckoned 
with as a factor in religion, and especially in the phases to which 
attention is now being given, it becomes necessary to state, as best 
one may, the distinction between eroticism and non-eroticism in 
religion. Tostate it briefly, a working distinction such as the 
following may serve, and after all may beabout all that can be 
offered at present : religious eroticism is marked by the tendency 
on the part of the devotee to bring some phase or other of sexual 
practice or imagery into the focus of attention and give it divine 
sanction and idealization (49). Whereas religious non-eroticism 
would be characterized by the reversal of such a tendency: namely, 
an effort to eliminate sex imagery and idealization from the 
focus of attention, and to retire it beyond the rim of consciousness, 


We turn now to the consideration of the Brahman-Atman 
speculation and its development which was ‘‘pari passu’’ with 
asceticism. It possesses a striking parallel with the ascetic ideal. 
Both these developments undoubtedly influenced and re-enforced 
each other. The Brahman-Atman eventuates in an imaginative 
god-construct, which is devoid of all qualities (50). Brahman, 
instead of being a god, filled with all the attributes of perfection as 
‘-Ramanuija, the great Bhakti reformer, makes him later, becomes so 
attenuated and reduced that heis thought of as devoid of every 
quality and is nothing more than pure, unqualified ‘being, 
intelligence and bliss’’. So also is the manner of the ascetic ideal. 
It also, with minor qualifications, is the reduction of life and its 
qualities, rather than their enhancement, so that finally the ascetic 
may attain to a condition in which he becomes devoid of all qualities 
and desires, whether good or bad (51). 


What are the sources of this speculative development and in 
what major respects did it create a situation which gave a great 
impetus to the later bhakti development? In this speculation we 
have two ways of thinking linked together which originally were 
separate: namely, Brahman being the objective and Atman the 
subjective. It is held that these two notions arose separately. Later 
they were brought together as a philosophical term for the Absolute 
(52). This identity seems to have been set forth first in the 
Chhandogya Upanishad (53). 


The term ‘‘Brahman’’ meets us early. Some carry it back to 
pre-Indian days and would link it up with the Iranian term 
“baresma’’ (54). When the term is accented on the first syllable it 
is neuter and denotes the object or the thing; and when on the 
ultima it is masculine and refers to the person who possesses the 
brahman. Even as early as the Rig-Veda it seems to have various 
meanings. Hence Hillebrandt (55) considers it difficult ‘‘to grasp 
the original meaning’’, Scholars differ as to what the word means, 


46 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


For example, Deussen holds that it means prayer. Haug that it is 
derived from ‘‘brh’’ meaning prayer. Later it came to mean the 
force of nature and finally the Ultimate Reality. To Roth it is 
first of all the force of will directed towards the gods. Later it 
came to stand for a sacred formula and lastly the Absolute. Oldenberg 
considers that in Vedic times the most powerful person was the 
medicine-man, who wielded the magic spells and thereby gained 
whatever he wished. Then the term came to mean a magic spell. 
During the Brahmana period it came to mean the hymns, which 
were used in connection with the sacrifice. Some of these hymns 
may have been used for magical purposes. Then finally the term 
came to be used for the ultimate energy from which the world was 
produced. Hillebrandt considers that its fundamental meaning is 
neither prayer nor devotion, but rather magic. Furthermore he 
holds that its origins are to be sought in the circle of crude, 
primitive thought from which it was developed in time ‘‘into an 
expression for the loftiest conception formulated by Hinduism’’(56). 


The ‘“‘Atman’’ term also has a long history before it becomes 
linked with that of the ‘‘Brahman’’. The stages of its meaning are 
even more obscure than those of the other term. The meaning of 
atman, ag exhibited in the Upanishadic literature, however, is far 
removed from its more primitive usage. It has been suggested (57) 
that the term comes from the root ‘‘an’’, which means ‘‘to breathe’’. 
Ewing in his treatment of the five ‘‘Pranas’’ (58) shows that the 
five terms are all formed by prefixes, which are added to the same 
root from which atman is formed. In time the ‘‘pranas’’, as 
representing the various vital breaths and in form plural, come to 
be supplanted by the term atman, which is used in the singular. 
Here then we get the various ‘‘pranas’’ thought of as a unity under 
this new term. In time this came to signify the ‘‘self in contrast 
with that which is not self’? (59). It is clear therefore from its 
genesis and early development that this is not aterm of ritualistic 
or aristocratic origins. Did it take its beginnings in a freer 
atmosphere than prevailed in the Kuru-Panchala areas, which seem 
to have been the chief centre of Brahman culture during this period? 
In other words was it the outgrowth of Kshatriya thinking, as held 
by Garbe (60)? While one may admit the possibility, put forward by 
Bloomfield (61), that the praise of King Janaka for the superiority 
of his wisdom over that of the Brahmans is a piece of ‘‘camouflage’’, 
yet there are reports of experiences in which such a consideration 
would not have point. Moreover, both the Buddha and Mahavira 
came from the warrior class. However, on the other hand one 
hesitates, without more light first, to be as sure as Garbe is that the 
‘‘Atman’’ speculation arises outside Brahman circles. It is clear 
from the Brahmanas as well as the Upanishads that the thought of 
the Brahmans was not a unified development. Its diversities are 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION AT 


many. Wasthe Kuru-Panchala country the only one where the 
Brahman culture was either dominant or strong in its influence 
upon and support from the court? Rhys Davids (62), using the 
literary sources of early Buddhism, gives usa picture of some 
sixteen kingdoms and republics, north of the Deccan, at or before 
the rise of Buddhism. Between the Brahmans attached to the 
different courts and even within the individual courts we have 
reflections of long continued struggles between different, rival 
groups and families (63). It would not be strange for pride or 
jealousy to stir such groups to the espousal and development of 
different schemes of thonght. Such a conflict within Brahman 
circles ig not only possible. It is even probable. Therefore until 
we can have more data at our disposal it does not seem wise to be as 
dogmatic as Garbe in affirming what still remains a problem 
awaiting more light. In its early relationships this ‘‘Atman’’ 
Speculation seems to have marked a stage in the emergence of the 
individual in the group and of individual thinking. It therefore is 
a strange irony that in its development it should become linked with 
a notion, which both in its birth and history is aristocratic. 


As early as the Rig-Veda the possession of Brahman was the 
religious property of a restricted circle. At that time it seems to 
represent a mysterious power which is generated by the proper and 
orderly performance of the sacred formulae in connection with 
sacrifice. Then it came to mean the power of sacrifice. In the 
Brahmanas the whole universe is regarded as produced from 
sacrifice. Hence Brahman came to be thought of as the creative 
principle (64) which lies behind the multiplicity of deities. This 
attempt to find a unity behind the multiplicity receives expression 
early in the Rig-Veda. It is associated with such imaginative 
god-constructs as Prajapati, Vishvakarma, and Purusha. These are 
not popular deities (65), but rather the creation of priestly specu- 
lation. This tendency to create deities is still more marked in the 
Brahmanas. In this latter type of literature the old polytheism is 
no longer as realas in the Vedas. One of these created deities 
which bears a particular relation to the development of the 
‘“‘Brahman’’ speculation is Brihaspati or Brahmanaspati. He is met 
with frequently in Vedic times and seems to be a functionary for 
the gods, such as the Brahman priest is on earth. He is the purohita 
to the gods (66). Inthe Satapatha Brahmana (67) Brihaspati is 
identified with the supreme principle, Brahman. It isin this same 
work where we first find the neuter Brahman exalted to the position 
of the Supreme principle. 


In the Upanishads this thought finds still greater elaboration 
in the effort to discover the Absolute. In fact its leading ideas, 
even though not yet unified, centre around the Brahman-Atman 
conception. This is held to be the great Reality of the universe. 


48 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


It ig also the human self. Knowledge of this gives salvation. 
Whoever knows this becomes forever liberated from the bonds of 
rebirth and enters bliss. 


“This passion for release and the example of these wandering 
ascetics stirred many other groups of men to thought and ingquiry’’ 
(68). However, the de-personalized Brahman could not serve long 
as an object of worship. Thousands must have felt the deep 
religious need at this time, which Tulasi Das expressed long 
afterwards when he wrote in his Ramayan: ‘‘the religion of the 
impersonal did not satisfy me. I felt an overpowering devotion 
towards an incarnation of the Supreme’’. This rationalizing process, 
exhibited in this speculation under discussion, had removed the 
gods far from the worshipper and filled many with great uncertain- 
ties. Life cannot live long on negatives and uncertainties. Sooner 
or later the heart will lay hold of what it deems to be certainties. 
These will most likely be found represented in human feelings and 
thoughts. Consequently in the short verse-Upanishads, which are 
generally recognized as coming later than the six more important 
and earlier works (69), there is a distinct tendency to exalt Vishnu 
and Shiva, two popular deities, as symbols of Brahman. It is 
difficult to determine just how much this Brahman-Atman 
speculation moulded the life of the masses in that early time. 
Doubtless in time some of it worked its way down into the literary. 
coinage of the people in general. But even so, it must have been 
for a long time the concern of the few (70). In any case it was in 
the beginning a by-product at conflict-points in a larger movement. 
There has been a long-continued practice among some scholars to 
equate this speculation with the larger phases of India’s religious 
life. However, it belongs rather to the intellectual and priestly 
development, and in particular is a product of the ascetic movement. 


The **Maya’’ notion, which in time becomes a part of the 
Brahman-Atman speculation, seems to be a development which 
belongs later than the Upanishads (71). Deussen, however, finds 
this notion even in the oldest Upanishads (72). But in this he is 
largely alone among scholars. Walleser is responsible for the 
advocacy of alate date. It is in the Mandukya Karika, which 
belongs about 500 A. D., where this notion becomes expanded into 
a definite philosophical ‘‘schema’’. 


Around Shiva and Vishnu, especially the Rama and Krishna 
incarnations of the latter, the great bhakti way of salvation takes 
shape as a conscious religious development, to which attention will 
be given in the following chapter. It is probable that all of these 
deities were originally local cults. Of such village cults we get 
glimpses (73). However, it is only in modern times that we come 
to know about them in detail (74). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 49 


The worship of such cults*represents the more crude, intimate, 
and emotional type of the masses. The Brahman and ascetic, 
possessing a religion becoming increasingly abstract and philosophical, 
might despise the village cult. Yet its worship had an intimacy, an 
immediacy, and a reality, which the more speculative lacked; and 
therefore could not render that of which the normal and simple- 
minded stood in need. These cults had established social and 
religious habits and attitudes which, when heightened and elaborated 
such ag took place early in the case of the worship of Shiva and 
Vishnu, met a growing need for a warm, religious worship of a face 
to face symbol, or image of deity. The growingly-remote Brahman- 
construct was unable to meet such aneed. That is: asceticism, 
while it furnished a release to inhibitions, created by the whole 
social situation against which it was a revolt. Yet in turn asceticism 
by its technique, which was designed to control and eliminate 
desire in man, was a large factor in building up sex-imagery and 
idealization. This, becoming emotion-laden and impulse-driven, 
cried out more or less un-consciously inthe ascetic for a release, 
which absorption in the Brahman-Atman speculation could not 
render. ‘This latter was too cold, remote and intangible. 


This release came at last, and it came with a mighty rush, i. e. 
in a great religious awakening when some great worshipful object, 
like the Buddha (75), raised to deityhood, or some intimate and 
humanlike deity, like a Vishnu, could receive the outpouring of all 
this pent-up warmth of devotion, which tended to become erotic. 
This type of devotion would vary as varied the worshipper, the 
deity, and the social situation, with its traditional material. 


Asceticism, the Brahman-Atman speculation, and a tendency 
towards eroticism, are now deeply rooted in the social inheritance of 
the Aryan groups. They continue as important factors in practically 
all of India’s later religious development. Furthermore elements of 
the technique, which these types of religious development shaped up, 
are to be found in practically every indigenous religious development 
in India. The later emerging bhakti movement is a partaker in 
this technique. It is to a consideration of this development to 
which we now turn. 


50 


(1). 


(2). 
(3). 
(4). 
(5). 
(6). 
(7). 
(8). 
(9). 
(10). 
(11). 
(12). 
ghiyp 


(14). 


(15). 
(16). 
(17). 
(18). 
(19). 
(20). 
(21). 
(22). 
(23). 
(24). 
(25). 
(26). 
(27). 
(28). 
(29). 
(30). 


(81). 
(32). 
(33). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


REFERENCE NOTES. 
Dewey, German Philosophy and Politics, p. 38f. 


Dewey is here describing the same psychological phenomenon and shows 
how it has operated in the social situation in Germany. In things civil 
and political the German has always been ‘‘under orders’’ of some kind 
or other that curtail his freedom of self-expression. To offset this lack 
of opportunity for self-expression in his phenomenal world he constructs 
his noumenal world in which he may have all the freedom for self-expres- 
sion that his soul may desire. . 

Oldenberg, Buddha, p, 32 

Urquhart, Pantheism and the Value of Life, p, 245 


E.R. E., (Il), p. 63ff. 


0 te. 
. 154. 

(II), p. 88 

., VII. 61; Ait. Brahmana, II. 27 


i .4 
ax 
.E. 


Cooley, Human Nature and the Social Order, p. 29ff.; Ross, Social 
Psychology, p. 11ff. 

Davids, Buddhist India, pp. 141ff., 242 ; Dialogues of Buddha, I, 244; 
Satapatha Brahmana, X1. 3. 3. 5 

E. R. E., (ID), p. 225ff. 

Cooley, ibid., p. 270f., 275ff. 

Farquhar, Outline of the Religious Literature of India, p. 24 

P. A. O.S., CIID, p. 307f. 

APY, Nalies 

R. V., X. 90.9 

E. R. E., (11), p. 63f. 

The literary material of books of Judges, I, II Sam., I, II Kings 
Calcutta Review, 1898, p. 320 

Radhakrishnan, Indian Philosophy, p. 438 

Sat. Brahmana, XI. 6. 2,1; 6.3.1(S. B. E, Vol. XLIV) 

S. B, E., (XID), p. xiii | 

Rapson, Cambridge Hist. of India, (I), p, 150 

Davids, Buddhist India, p. 246f. 

Mahabharata, Bk. XII, Mokshadharma, Shanti Parva, Vol. II, p. 652f, 


The term is used to describe the transmutation of the sex impulse to 
other purposes than those which are purely instinctive, cf, literature of 
Yung, Freud, and other scholars in the field of abnormal psychology. cf. 
Yung: Psy. of Unconscious (Trans. by Hinckle) p. 150. 


Mrs. Rhys Davids, Psalms of the Sisters, XX XVIII, p. 50 


Davids, Buddhist India, p. 244 


Psalms of the Sisters and Psalms of the Brethren; Saunders, 
The Heart of Buddhism, XV, XXX, XXXI, XXXII 


(34). 
(35). 
(36). 
(37). 
(38). 
(39). 


(40). 
(41). 
(42). 


(43). 
(44), 


(45). 
(46), 


(47), 
(48). 
(49), 
(50). 


(51). 
(52). 


(53). 
(54). 


(55). 
(56), 


(57). 
(58). 


(59). 
(60). 
(61). 
(62). 
(63). 
(64). 
(65). 
(66). 
(67). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 51 


Saunders, ibid., II, XV; Psa. of Sisters, LIV, p. 86 
Rapson, ibid., pp. 128, 134, 177 

Psa, of Sisters, XX XVIII 

Laws of Manu, V, 159, S. B. BE. (X XV) 

Maitri Upanishad, VII. 8 


Richard Schmidt, Beitriige zur indischen Erotik (1902) and Liebe und 
Ehe im alten und modernien Indien (1904) 


Rapson, ibid., p, 135; Chhandogya Up., IV. 4. 2 
Shilotri, ibid., p, 34 


cf. Psalms of Sisters, Psalms of Brethren, and Saunders, Heart of 
Buddhism for evidence. 


Mahavagga, I. 19, 20 (S. B. E. (X) (ii), p. 69) 

Brihadaranyaka Up., VI. 4. 3, 4, 5; VI. 4. 21, 22; Chhand. Up., V. 8. 1,2; 
We ONT} 

Ames, Psychology of Religs. Experience, pp. 33-34, 43 

James, Varieties of Religious Experience. 


In this volume Prof. James has dealt with the abnormal types rather 
than the normal. When asked by the late Dr. G. B. Foster why he had 
confined himselfto a description of the abnormal varieties, his reply 
was: it is more interesting ! 


cf, Durkheim, Elementary Forms of the Religious Life 

cf. James, ibid. 

cf. (44) above 

Brih, Up. II. 3.6; Katha Up. VI. 12; Shvetashvatara Up. VI. 9,11 
E. R. E., (ID, p. 91 


Saree Die Lehre der Upanishaden und die Anfinge des Buddhismus, 
44-59 


Chhand. Up., III. 14. 4 


H. DeWitt Griswold, Brahman: a Study in the Hist. of Indian Phil. 
ede. By (il). os 797, 


E. R. E., (11), p. 796f. 
E. R. E., (II), p. 797 
Lecture Notes from Course in Indian Phil. by Dr. Walter Clarke 


Ewing, Art., Hindu Conception of Function of Breath, J.A.O.S., (1901), 
(X XID), p , 24.9fF, 


EB. R. E.;7 (11), p. 195 

Garbe, Phil. of Ancient India (Open Court), p. 57ff. 

Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda, p. 226f. 

Davids, ibid., p. 23 

Bloomfield, ibid., p, 185f.; Farquhar, Outline Relgs, Lit. of India, p. 58 
Sat. Brahmana, XI. 2, 3.1; X. 6. 3; Chhand. Up, III. 14. 1 

Rapson, ibid., p. 144 

Oldenberg, Rel. des Veda, p. 66 

Sat. Brahmana, XII, 8. 3. 29 


ip! TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


(68). Farquhar, ibid., p. 57 

(69). * + EDD. 05, 60 

(70). - Sys tt, 

(71). Radhakrishnan, ibid., p. 197f.; Urquhart, ibid,, 208ff. 

(72). Deussen, Phil. of Upanishads, p. 4 

(73). Davids, ibid , pp. 185, 210ff. 

(74). W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folklore of North India, I-1V 

Tribes and Castes of the N. W. Provs., and Oudh, I, I 

Russell, Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces, I-IV 
Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes of Sthn. India, I-VI 
Whitehead, The Village Gods of South India 


Elmore, Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 
Briggs, The Chamars 


(75), Radhakrishnan, ibid., p. 274 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 33 


CHAPTER III 
THE BHAKTI DEVELOPMENT: A GENERAL VIEW 


In this chapter two tasks will be attempted : first to indicate 
more specifically than has been done in the previous one how the 
complex of habits, attitudes and ideas, which constituted asceticism 
and its by-product, i.e. religious eroticism, would in time bring 
about the emergence of a situation which would call for an ema- 
tional release, such as the bhakti complex of habits and attitudes 
toward the devotee’s deity was fitted to render. Then in the 
second place, an effort will be made to point out some general lines 
of development, which seem to give us elements in the actual 
beginnings of bhakti, when it became actually aware of itself as 
something set over against other habits, attitudes, and ideas, consid- 
ered religious. Once bhakti becomes aware of itself as a definite 
religious technique in relation to deity it soon begins to be appro- 
priated in relation to different deities; and hence develops into a 
great many ramifications and modifications. 


‘‘Bhakti’’ is a term in Indian religious literature, oe has 
come to stand for a certain complex of habits, attitudes, and ideas 
with reference to a devotee’s deity. It is, in other words, a way 
of salvation. 


Now any way of salvation, as has been noted already, has 
both a technique and a content. The technique is the means: let it 
be whatever it may. By it the salvation is brought to the one 
seeking it. This technique is made up out of the environment and 
social inheritance of the group wherein this way of salvation takes 
its beginnings and has its vogue. This technique may consist of 
material objects, mechanical devices, pictures, or words used as 
symbols, social or individual habits and attitudes, or anything else 
whatsoever that may happen to get attached to the individual or 
group’s relations with deity. 

It is obvious that although religious technique, even asa 
survival, holds over in an individual or group’s life longer than any 
other kind of individual or social technique, because it possesses 
large emotional content through being related with the god-world. 
Yet even such technique tends to change, or at least to pass into 
desuetude through changes in the environment and social inherit- 
ance. These latter in turn are altered through the operation of 
factors, such as have been indicated in the Introductory section (1). 


As ig the case of the technique in any way of salvation so also 
is it in the content-element. The content of any way of salvation 
takes its significance and has its points of emphasis in relation to 
the social situation out of which it arises and in which it seeks to 


54 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


serve as a response to its felt-needs. The content also of any way 
of salvation tends to hold over into altered social situations, because 
it is more or less deeply emotion-laden. This isdue to its attach- 
ment to what the individual or the group prizes most highly, or 
considers as most essential to life. Yet even here the content also 
tends to change with the changing of the environment and the 
Social inheritance. 


A study of the technique and content of any religion, both 
as to its genesis as well as to its development, will bear out the 
truth of the above general observation. A study of anyone of the 
many religious developments in India furnishes proof as to the 
fundamental correctness of the above statements. 


We shall first of all turn to note the technique and content 
of the Vedic religious development. Here the main technique of 
salvation is the sacrifice and all that is involved therein. This is 
the first religious technique that comes into prominence in the early 
Vedic literary remains. It is a survival from pre-Indian days. 
Sacrifice is avery old religious technique. However, it seems to 
fit fairly well the social situation in the new habitat, for the con- 
ditions of life in the Punjab do not seem to have been very different 
from pre-Indian days. The technique of the sacrifice is of course 
elaborated. This isinevitable among a growing people. Still it is 
the sacrifice and all that was related thereto by which contacts 
with the god-world were maintained, and by which the salvation 
sought came to the seeker, even though the practice of sacrifice in 
such a growing situation would lead inevitably to its elaboration 
and extension. 


Then again the content of the salvation sought was doubtless 
akin to what it had been in pre-Indian days, whenthey cared for their 
cattle and fought with their tribal enemies (2). It was a this-world 
salvation which they sought, or, to put it in concrete terms, it was 
victory over their enemies, a plenty of cows,and a numerous progeny. 
Other elements doubtless played some part in the content of their 
salvation, such as deliverance from demons (3). But whenever 
they thought of the other world even, it was in terms of this (4). 
Hence their content of salvation was practically a salvation in this 
world. This would indicate that these things which they desired 
the gods to secure for them were not only difficult for them to 
acquire, but were also highly valued as essential to their life. The 
attainment of them had doubtless cost them already many a hard 
struggle (5). That is: their social situation was such as to give 
prominence to these things ; and to make them determining factors 
in giving color to and in shaping up the content of their salvation. 
If these things in their Vedic life-period had been easy of attain- 
ment it is improbable that they would ever have come into the 
content of their notion of salvation, unless perchance they happened 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 55 


to be survivals from pre-Indian days. And this might well have 
been the case for the technique of sacrifice came over from that 
time. Yet even granting this to be true, it does not necessarily 
vitiate the fundamental consideration: that the social situation 
is a primary factor in moulding the content of a group’s salvation- 
notion. 


However, in time a different social situation eventuates when 
many of these tribes coalesce and enter the plains of the Ganges 
as conquerors. Life now is not so precarious, or fraught with such 
hard struggles as at first. They are now well aware of their 
superiority. Moreover they now have a social inheritance which 
tends to fix this superiority in their social habits and attitudes in 
relation to the aborigines. Life now begins to come easy to 
multitudes of the upper classes of the conquerors. Now cows and 
other material goods are not so difficult to obtain. However, this 
struggle for the material goods of life doubtless remained a pressing 
one to the masses. While it is true that the kings and chieftains 
still fought, yet here also, if we may trust what is reflected in the 
early Buddhist and Epic literature, a remarkable chivalry grew up 
among rulers, which vitiated very seriously the former crude and 
vigorous spirit of conquest. We have apicture of rulers, who to a 
surprisingly large degree acquiesced in the existing boundaries of 
their territories (6). In cases where it became necessary for one 
ruler to take over another’s kingdom, he was admonished to deal 
gently with the deposed monarch and, if possible, place a relative 
of the latter upon the throne. Now while some of this literary 
material, such as in the Code of Manu, may represent a *‘counsel of 
perfection’’, yet this chivairy is not without its significance for the 
subject under consideration. Here then we have come upon the 
descendants of tribes, that struggled hard for the attainment of the 
material goods of life, whose progeny have reached to a suprising 
degree a condition where the grasp of the material things of life 
seems to have become equated more closely with their desires. 
Even though this may not represent conditions among the masses, 
yet among the upper classes such a condition is rather remarkable. 


During the later Vedic period the ritual connected with the 
sacrifice became greatly elaborated. The offerings required were 
of milk, ghee, grain, flesh, and soma. Offerings of the three 
former are, comparatively speaking, unimportant. It is the two 
latter and the ritual connected therewith, which receive the greatest 
elaboration. In the case of these latter this happens early. Even 
in the time of the Rig-Veda this process seems to have been well 
advanced. (7). Indeed it would appear that the elaboration of the 
soma ritual may have been pre-Indian (8). And it may yet be 
found that this is also the case with the horse sacrifice, for the 
horse had long been an animal highly valued in the Aryans’ pre- 


56 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Indian life. The ritual in connection with these two forms of 
sacrifice had grown to such proportions ; and with this growth the 
number of priests had increased so greatly that as many as sixteen 
or seventeen are named as taking part in the more important 
sacrifices. Such sacrifices might require aday, twelve days, a year 
or even more for their completion. It is obvious, therefore, that 
it would be only the rich nobles, or such as the king, who could 
undertake the expenditure involved therein. Moreover on the 
other hand we can picture the results this would have in the lives 
of many of the priests in the development of competition for the 
patronage of the wealthy chieftains and nobles (9), and in the 
ambition of many to become the purohita to a king. Hence, in its 
composition, the Rig-Veda, with the probable exception of the 
tenth book, is what one would naturally expect : an aristocratic 
compilation for priestly and warrior-class uses. The great mass of 
evidence shows that the ordinary Vedic sacrifice was performed 
primarily to win divine favour. Attached to this, however, was 
the notion that the deities to whom these sacrifices were made 
were under obligation to grant the request of the worshipper, 
Since the latter used the proper technique in approaching deity. 
This notion grew. Deity cameto be thought of as ensnared by 
the sacrifice (10) and therefore compelled to give help. 


The Brahmanas, which belong tothe later Vedic period, are 
really the priests’ textbooks to guide them through the complicated 
ritual of the sacrifice. Among these texts the Aitareya and the 
Satapatha arethe chief. In these the simple piety in relation 
to the gods, which we find in the early Vedic hymns is gone. 
Here the emphasis is upon the eternity of the Vedas, the observance 
of caste, the asrama life, the supremacy of the priest, who is now 
proclaimed asa deity on earth (11), and lastly the importance 
of the sacrifice. This increasing prominence, given to the 
sacrifice, results in exalting the priesthood. The growing elabora- 
tion and complicated procedure inthe sacrificial ritual made 
special training necessary for the priest. It was no longer possible 
forthe head of the family, save in the most simple household 
worship, to perform the duties of the sacrificial office. It was 
only the priest who knew the ritual of the sacrifice and its asso- 
ciated mysteries. Hence the priesthood became a profession. 


A professional priesthood, however, works ill to priest and 
people alike. The simple faith in the deities, exhibited in the 
early. Vedic hymns, has now heen replaced largely by the magical 
mechanisms and the sacerdotalism of the Brahmanas, with their 
growing symbolism. Although the gods occupy nominally their 
customary place, yet the priest and the sacrifice of this period 
have robbed them of practically all of their real power. They 
have become little more than puppets. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION aT 


Moreover signs are not wanting in this period that even the 
all-important sacrifice is taking on a perfunctoriness in its practice 
and a symbolism which indicate that it is fast becoming a survival, 
holding over from another social situation. The effort to adjust 
the sacrifice to the altered social situation in the Gangetic river- 
valleys took a double direction, which was, as such processes 
almost always are, more or less unconscious in its outworking. 
On the one hand, as seeninthe Artharva-Veda, we have a great 
underworld of magical formulae, charms, devices, and mystic 
symbols incorporated with the ritual of sacrifice. The probable 
Source of this social inheritance has already been discussed in the 
previous chapter. Then on the other hand, as seen in the Brah- 
manas and Upanishads, a process of symbolizing and rationalizing 
of the sacrifice becomes greatly extended. This development 
goes forward until we have world-views built up around the sac- 
rifice and around theritual prayer, connected with the sacrifice. 
These both become crganizing centres for thought from which the 
whole universe is projected. What is this all but an effort to 
adjust a survival-technique to a new situation in which the 
priestly and other leisured classes have time to reflect upon this 
ancient technique; and have also an inner need for its explanation 
and elaboration? 


But meanwhile in this same new social situation a new way 
of salvation, other than the sacrifice-way, was being worked 
out—more or less unconsciously—until it finally became recognized 
as anew way and was consciously set over against that in relation 
to which it wasa more or less conscious protest and revolt. So 
far as we are able to judge this new way, unlike the sacrifice, 
was worked out in relation to this new social situation. Hence 
it was better fitted to meet the new _ tense-needs, created by 
the situation, than was the old; since the latter was a survival from 
a different social situation. Consequently, as might be expected, 
multitudes (12) began to walk inthig new way. If their reflect- 
ions upon their experience mean anything, it is clear that to 
many of them it was asense of great joy and emotional release 
with which they entered this new way (13). This new way was 
that of asceticism. Its technique was not the sacrifice, but ‘‘tapas’’. 


Here then wasa way of salvation open toall, who would 
pay the price, which was notin terms of “filthy lucre’’, placed 
in the hands of a mercenary priest, who always wished to see the 
gift before performing the service. The price was in the appeal- 
ing terms of devotion and arigorous self-discipline. All, who 
would, might enter this way, regardless of caste. This wasa 
democratic way in that it set no intermediary between worshipper 
and deity. Asno one, save the priest, knew the language or 
the elaborate ritual of the old way, noone could get into touch 


538 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


with deity save by the priest and the latter had to be satisfied 
first befure he would undertake the task. 


It is difficult for one at this distance in time and outlook 
to realize what a rush of pent-up feeling and what a sense of re- 
lease must have come to many a sincere seeker upon the realization 
for the first time that each might come into contact with deity 
through his own efforts without any dependence upon a priest as 
intermediary. One needs to think oneself back deliberately into 
that far-away time to grasp fully what a sunburst of new light 
must have come to multitudes when they learned of this new 
way of access to deity without money and without price, save the 
price any sincere soul would gladly pay. Isitany marvel then 
that both the Brahman and the early Buddhist literature of these 
times reflect a situation in which there are multitudes of ascetics 
everywhere? Itis held by some (14) that the ascetics were the 
pioneers in the discovery and exploration of the great forests and 
lands to the southward of the Vindhyas. Thither they went and 
established their lonely retreats and hermitages. The Epic litera- 
ture is full of such stories; and there is little doubt that, after the 
fabulous has been pruned away, the residuum has some historical 
reference. 


The ascetic way of salvation hasa content very different 
from the sacrificial. It is obviously more difficult to indicate the 
content of the former than of the latter. An attempt was made to 
do this in the preceding chapter. It remains to add merely this: that 
since this latter way was pre-eminently an  individualistically 
motivated way of salvation it would present greater variations 
in its content than the old way. Furthermore it had in it many 
higher and more spiritual elements than characterized sacrifice. 
In its beginnings the former must have drawn to itself the more 
sincere and spiritually-minded of the times in which it arose. 
Later, however, when it became a recognized part of the social 
order for which rulers and others made provision, it became the 
refuge of very different elements from society at large. Even 
so early as the time of the Buddha this latter stage was already 
far advanced. 


While it ig true that this new way wasa difficult one, 
yet it had a great new freedom about it, which the old lacked. 
At most its difficulties were those which were created primarily 
by the human spirit with its own instincts, impulses, habits and 
attitudes. These, however, must have turned out for many to be 
almost insuperable. However, these difficulties were not exter- 
nally-placed. Against all externally-placed obstacles the human 
gpirit sooner or later revolts. In the old way obstacles existed, 
such as caste, language, and a knowledge of the elaborate sacrifi- 
cial ritual. With the new this was not so. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 59 


With the incoming and growth of this new way a change comes 
about inthe attitude towards the once all-important sacrifice. 
Indeed there are many who give upthe old worship altogether. 
This new attitude finds reflection in one of the older Brahmanas 
(15) where ascetic practice, asa way of gaining access to deity, 
is given a higher place than sacrifice. However, we ought not to 
conclude therefore that this movement for the retirement of the 
technique of sacrifice was immediate, organized, or uniform in its 
outworking, even though it must have acquired a growingly pow- 
erful ‘‘urge’’, This would issue and gather momentum from the 
larger freedom inits contacts with deity, which this new way 
afforded, its freedom from the growing rigours of caste, and its 
deliverance from the aristocratic and mercenary spirit of the priest. 
Then again the emotional-tone of this momentum would become 
heightened from the opposition that would come from the vested 
rights and privileges of the priestly classes in particular, who 
were selfishly concerned with the performance of the aristocratic 
and highly-placed sacrifice and its elaborate ritual. In all this 
the priests’ living and long-established prestige were involved and 
we may safely conclude that the struggle between these two ways 
was a longand bitter one. Here and there in the literature of 
this period and later we get echoes of this struggle. The priest 
wins finally. This is probably due tothe fact that from the side 
of the priest it was a corporate struggle, whereas on the side of 
the ascetic it was largely individualistic, or at best one in which 
only small groups were engaged: groups which not infrequently 
were struggling among themselves over some point in the techni- 
que or content of asceticism. ‘Then onthe other hand the priest 
won because his victory was one attained through compromise in 
which the whole “schema’’ of Brahmanhood was worked out with 
aplace alloted init for the ascetic and his ideal. Rhys Davids, 
who refers to this matter (16), considers that this was not elabora- 
ted until after the rise of Buddhism. However, was this an actual 
victory in practice, or was it confined largely to one ‘‘on paper’’? 
The Code of Manu would give one the impression that it was the 
former (17). Even if we may be convinced that the matter, 
as presented in the Code, is somewhat ofa ‘‘counsel of perfect- 
ion’’, yet on the other hand one must recognize, what is 
conceded generally, that the codification of laws is the last 
stage in a very long process. This alsois preceded by another 
long period of practice which grows up out of custom and taboo. 
The practice may not have reached the perfection represented in 
the Code, and yet it is certain that there must have- been more 
or less religious practice, which had actually incorporated into 
some kind ofa unification both the priestly and the ascetic comp- 


60 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


lexes of habits, attitudes, and notions in actual religious life preced- 
ing this codification, which in itself was doubtless a long and 
piecemeal process (18). One classic passage, which reflects a stage 
in the process of this long struggle between the sacrificial and 
ascetic ways of salvation, comes trom the Mahabharata (19). It 
denounces in unsparing terms any way of approach to deity that 
' seems to discredit or ignore the good old way of sacrifice and the 
priestly prestige therewith involved. 


However, regarding this incorporation of the ascetic ideal 
within the Brahmanhood ‘‘schema’’ the writer does not wish to 
be understood as implying that some of the Brahman thinkers and 
other priests got together and said: ‘Come now, let us go to and 
incorporate the ascetic ideal within our own scheme of thought and 
practice;’’ though thismay have happened after the process got 
under way in actual practice. Rhys Davids has called attention 
to the fact: that (20) with the incoming of the growing eclipse of 
the sacrifice way of salvation it introduced such a condition among 
Brahman groups that many sought other occupations. It is clear 
that once this notion and practice got into the social inheritance, 
then such considerations as economic factors, the mercenary spirit 
of the priest, and competitive conduct among the priests them- 
selves would all add to the momentum of discredit coming to both 
priest and sacrifice. 


Just as onthe one hand the Atharva-Veda reflects a situa- 
tion in which certain of the Brahman elements of the priesthood 
identified themselves and their old technique of sacrifice with the 
more popular elements (21), represented in the magical formulae, 
charms, &c., so on the other hand many of the more high and phil- 
osophically minded of the Brahmans went over into this ascetic 
movement (22). These for the most part would be the more high- 
minded, individualistic, and less mercenary. It was from among 
men of this spirit that those arose who seem to have developed a 
process of thinking, reflections of which are found in the Brah- 
manas and Upanishads, in which the sacrifice is symbolized yet 
more and more until, as an objective and material thing, it became 
completely retired. Intoits place the Brahman-Atman speculat- 
ion came, to which reference has been made already in the 
previous chapter. 


Then again in this ascetic development the ‘‘tapas’’ and all 
related therewith grow in time to such a place of importance that 
they also take on cosmic significance. Just as in the case of the 
old sacrifice, when it began to takeon cosmic significance, the 
gods themselves had to perform sacrifice in order to qualify them- 
selves for their tasks as well as to maintain themselves in their 
positions in the universe, so here also the gods require to practice 
‘tapas’? forsimilar purposes. To what extent did these two as 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 61 


world-views, the one growing out of the sacrifice and the other 
out of tapas, act and react upon each other in the development 
of each? It would be interesting to know. But we must await 
more light before a mature judgment can be expressed. 


When this ascetic way of life got well established in the 
social inheritance it in turn tended to create a new situation out 
of which emerged new tensions and felt-needs, creating thereby 
emotional-tone, for which the ascetic’s deity, devoid of all intim- 
ate face-to-face relations, was unable to furnish any adequate 
or normal release (23). 


It cannot be doubted but whatin some instances at least, 
especially in cases past middle life, the religious technique, which 
asceticism built upin itsstruggle to reduce and dehumanize life, 
was effective for the end sought (24). Some of the literature of 
this and later time would have no meaning, were this not so. Yet 
on the other hand the rigorous practice and marvellous feats, 
attributed tomany of the great ascetics in thig same literature 
(25) do but show, even though vigorous pruning away of the fabul- 
ous is generally necessary, how terrific and long-continued were 


many of the struggles which finally reduced life to the vanishing- 
‘ point of desire. 


However, this same literature reflects frequent lapses in 
this long struggle (26). Even the gods as well as ascetics suffer 
these lapses (27). Such items asthese would never have found 
aplace inthis literature, were it not that they reflect what freq- 
uently occurred inthe lives of the ascetics in their struggle to 


control and eliminate desire. They made their gods in their 
own image. 


Whenever, in the experience of the ascetics, this reduction 
of life to its minimum of desire was not accomplished we have the 
damming up ofan emotion-laden and impulsively-surcharged 
inner condition inthe individual, which becomes ready to break 
forth, either when the inner tension becomes too great, or when a 
religious technique may be brought into service that is fitted to 
bring release to such an inner condition. In all such cases we 
would havea more or less heightened and _ intensified conflict- 
situation, created by the inner instinctive and impulsive ‘‘urge’’ 
and the outer inhibitions and rigour of ascetie practices. Out of 
such a situation there would certainly grow asense of deeply 
felt-need leading the individual so effected to yearn more or less 
conscious)y for release, or for some new way of salvation that 
would bring release tothis pent-up, emotional situation. The 
momentum with which this pent-up feeling would break forth 
into channels of release would be proportional to the vigour of 
the emotional-tone experienced. 


62 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Weturn now tothe consideration of the local and popular 
religious cults of the masses. These have in fact an intimate 
relation to the specific situation, created by the ascetic way of life. 
This ascetic way of life had aroused needs it was unable to meet and 
satisfy. These cults of the masses are a dominating influence in 
the total situation of this time in helping to meet the need, which 
was created and then unmet by the ascetic ideal with its intangible 
and distant Brahman. It is in the synthesis of elements in these 
popular cults, with their ready-to-hand deities with human-like 
qualities on the one hand; and on the other the pent-up emotional 
condition, the outcome of the ascetic ideal, that gave urge, power 
and release to sporadic religious developments. Many of these 
latter seem to coalesce later and find themselves in a development 
that gets itself defined and articulated in a complex of habits, 
attitudes and ideas towards deity which comes to be designated by 
the term ‘‘bhakti’’. 


It would appear that the Hinayana development in Buddhism 
passed through a stage somewhat similar to asceticism in its 
evolution. Not only was its ideal ascetic, as set forth in the arhat. 
Its philosophy also was negative. Influential as the Hinayana 
was it could never become popular. Hence Hopkins could 
write (28) that by the second century B.C. India was already 
becoming indifferent to the teaching of Buddhism. It was 
‘‘becoming re-absorbed into the great permanent cults of Vishnu and 
Shiva, with which in spirit Buddhism itself began to beamalgamated’’. 
This was especially the case with the Mahayana development. This 
latter was emotional and taught positive ideas with reference to the 
soul, its destiny and deity. In other words it was a religion to 
appeal to the human heart. When it took its rise it was in the 
period when India was again subject to successive inroads of 
primitive tribes. Many of these embraced Buddhism. Naturally 
they brought with them into their new faith the warmth, the 
immediacy, and the face-to-face representation of deity, so character- 
istic of primitive cults. However, therewith the door seems to have 
been opened wide for the Mahayana to become the repository of all 
kinds of superstitions and unassimilated accretions. In the days of 
Nagarjuna, whom some scholars regard aS a contemporary of 
Kanishka (29) toward the end of the first century A. D., while 
others would place him about a century later (30), Brahma, Vishnu, 
Shiva, and Kali are recognized by this writer as proper objects of 
worship. It is not strange then thut in time the Mahayana became 
practically indistinguishable from prominent phases of Hinduism, 
such for example as the worship of Vishnu and Shiva, for like, these 
the Mahayana gave a large place to bhakti. It is probable, therefore, 
that its approximation to the popular cults had more todo with 
Buddhism’s disappearance from India than the generally prevalent 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 63 


notion: that it was due to persecution. In describing later religious 
developments, in Bengal in particular, Sen (31) is led to observe that 
‘the Buddhist masses had developed an emotional creed, which led 
them afterwards to accept the tenets of Vaishnavism with such 
cordiality’’. 


As far as the Rig-Veda is concerned the gods of these local 
cults are practically non-existent. It is only in the later Vedic and 
early Buddhistic literary materials that one begins to get an 
awareness of their existence, vitality, and number (32). In the 
Niddesa, a Buddhist commentary to the latter portion of the 
Suttanipata, from which Bhandarkar (33) quotes a passage, there is 
a list of over twenty-five local cult deities, who are placed on the 
same level with the fire, moon, sun and Brahma. Among these 
local deities Baladeva and Vasudeva find a place. The latter in 
the process of evolution and elaboration becomes associated with 
Krishna and Vishnu. ‘To this reference will be made later. In the 
Mahavastu (34), whose date is uncertain, but whose materials are 
held to be pre-Christian, there is a reference to sailors who call up a 
list of gods, some of whom appear to be local cult deities. Acquaint- 
ance with works, such as those of Davids, Crooke, Russell, 
' Whitehead, Elmore and Briggs make one aware of the great 
underworld of popular religious life and practice, belonging both to 
early and later Indian life. The religious life of the masses, in 
spite of its base and crude elements, had a warmth, a face-to-face 
relationship and a practicality about it, which the elaborate religious 
technique and symbolic, speculative concepts, of both Vedic 
sacrificial priest and ascetic failed to supply, either to the sincere 
intellectual, or to the ignorant commoner. Very, very many of the 
earlier ascetics, it cannot be doubted, were sincere seekers after 
salvation. However, with most of the priests it must have been 
otherwise. Both the nature of their training and the character of 
their tasks were such as to promote in them the tendency to become 
low-browed and mercenary. 


Hence is it not reasonable to look to the sincere element among 
those following the ascetic way for the probable leadership in 
finding the way of release from this tense emotional situation, which 
the technique of asceticism and its by-product built up in the 
struggle to control and eliminate human desire ? Then on the other 
hand is it not reasonable to see in the warm, face-to-face worship of 
deity, which characterized the local cults, the raw material out of 
which leaders such as the above and others would be able to 
construct a new religious technique as wellas content for a new way 
of salvation that would place both of these earlier developments 
under tribute? Was it not out of a synthesis of elements, such ag 
the above, that the bhakti complex developed, and received clari- 
fication, both as to its technique and its content ? Just as has been 


64 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


indicated already, such a change in technique and content mast 
have come about more or less unconsciously in its earliest stages. 
First it would be an experience. Then it would get definiteness 
and elaboration from being set over against alien practice in respect 
to the attitude of the devotee to his chosen deity. This would tend 
to clarify the experience and give it an element of conviction. 

When the way of bhakti becomes a fairly well-defined and 
conscious movement, such as is reflected in the Gita, its technique 
may be described as a complex of habits and attitudes in relation to 
the devotee’s chosen deity, whether or not the latter may be the 
temporary or the permanent object of devotion. When one seeks to 
define this complex a little more specifically its major elements 
would be as follows: faith in, adoration and praise of, love for, and 
such devotion as leads not only to the dedication of all one’s 
possessions, but the self-surrender even of one’s body, mind and 
will to the behests of the chosen deity. . 

A description of the content of this way as it lies revealed in 
the Gita and in the other portions of the didactic Epic would include 
the following: a deliverance from illusion and from the passions of 
this present, evil world into a new this-world condition of life in 
which the devotee possesses holiness, detachment from desire and 
reward for all that one does, and in which one sees the Adorable 
everywhere and everything subsisting in him. Then finally it is a 
deliverance from the sorrows of rebirth in the present world; and 
an entrance into the heaven of Bhagavat with all the joy this 
implies. However, one no sooner presents such a general statement 
as the above than an awareness arises that it should be modified. 
This need for qualification arises out of the fact that the didactic 
Hpic presents no unified conception as to the kind of a galvation 
this way really offers. 

Ag yet the earliest stages of this development lie hidden in 
great obscurity and confusion. Many of its problems are still in 
debate. This obscurity and confusion in which its beginnings are 
shrouded are due in part to the paucity of the available literary 
materials, which reflect its presence or propagate its faith in the 
earlier period. Then onthe other hand it seems to have attained 
very early a widespread popularity. Apparently it met to a sur- 
prisingly large degree the deep needs of the hearts of very many for 
a personal deity, human-like and intimate, upon whom the deep 
emotions of the heart could be exercised. We shall see later, 
however, that to the extent this development tended to become mere 
emotionalism to that extent its results have become very unwhole- 
some (35). In view, therefore, of these difficulties all that can be 
reasonably expected, or attempted here is to indicate some of the 
more ample stages in this earliest development; and state briefly 
therewith some of the major problems still awaiting solution. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 65 


It is natural, therefore, to turn first of all to the Vasudeva- 
Krishna phase of this development. It is generally recognized 
that the cult which grew up around these two names has been an 
important factor from the very beginnings of this bhakti way. 
However, its origins and early development have been the subject 
of much controversy, which has been marked by wide differences 
of conviction among scholars. Bhandarkar (86) for example, 
who in his study of this subject has shed much new light from 
inscriptional data, holds that originally Vasudeva and Krishna 
were not identified. Originally the former was a man, belonging 
to atribe, called the Satvatas. He lived as early as the sixth 
century B.C., perhaps even earlier. Among his tribe he develop- 
ed a theistic religion. Subsequent to his death he was deified 
and identified with the deity whom he taught his people to 
worship. Still later he became identified with Narayana. The 
latter seems originally, according to Farquhar (37), to have been 
an important conception. Its origins, however, have been lost. 
While it has come to be atitle given now to one and now to 
another deity, yet even in its early as well as in its most frequent 
use it has been applied chiefly to Vishnu. Although in time 
the Vaishnava groups sought to monopolize the use of this term 
for their own deity, yet it has been applied to others’ also. It is 
not improbable that its early association both with Vishnu and 
Vasudeva may have had not a little to do with the latter’s identifica- 
tion with the former. Then finally—to return to Bhandarkar’s theory 
—Vasudeva becomes identified with the Krishna of Mathura, 
who is associated with Radha. This last modification Bhandarkar 
thinks came about through nomadic tribes, called Abhiras, 
whose modern descendants are the Ahirs. These worshipped 
a boy-deity, with whom stories of libertinism (38) were associated. 
Grierson, Garbe and Winternitz have become associated with 
him in this view, and more recently Radhakrishnan (39), who 
considers this Vasudeva-Krishna cult the basis of the Bhagavad- 
gita, aS well as of modern Vaishnavism. According to Garbe this 
whole development is marked by four stages. The first is anti- 
Vedic and therefore independent of the Brahmans. It isa 
popular monotheism with Krishna-Vasudeva as the object of 
worship. Inthe second stage this religion becomes brahminised. 
In this stage Krishna becomes identified with Vishnu, and the 
latter becomes exalted as the pre-eminent deity. The first stage, 
Garbe thinks, occurred previous to 300 B.C.,and the second 
after that date. He thinks the third stage was in process, begin- 
ning aS early as the opening of the Christian era and continuing 
until 1200 A.D. Inthis stage the Bhagavata religion became 
Vaishnavism, and into it were brought the tenets of the Vedanta, 
Sankhya, and Yoga philosophies. Last of all came the stage of 
Ramanuja, who gave a philosophical basis to the bhakti faith. 


66 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


On the other hand, however, Hopkins (40) Keith (41) and 
Jacobi (42), who are also outstanding scholars in this particular 
field of study, state reasons why they consider this position of 
Bhandarkar and his colleagues as unhistorical. Furthermore 
Urquhart (43) states reasons why it does not follow, as held by 
Grierson (44), that the bhakti attitude ‘‘expresses itself ina 
distinctly monotheistic tendency’’. The former suggests, on the 
contrary, that: ‘* while it may be the explanation of a subjective 
and temporary monotheism, it really issues in an objective polythe- 
ism. In his intensity of devotion, the worshipper may indeed 
Single out one particular god,and so adore him as to make him 
for all purposes supreme and universal. But no rational ground is 
assigned for this supremacy and universality, and it therefore 
remains a merely individual affair. Other worshippers may take 
up the same attitude to another god, and indeed even the particular 
worshipper we are considering may, with comparative ease and 
celerity, change the object of his devotion’’. Farquhar (45) also 
concludes that there is no indubitable evidence fora monotheis- 
tic religion in that early time. With this view most scholars 
agree. 

Vishnu also became very early a nucleating centre around 
which much of the bhakti development grew. The origins of. this 
deity, and the causes of his very rapid growth into pre-eminence 
in the later Vedic period have been the occasion of much discussion; 
and as yet many problems remain unsolved. 

In the Rig-Veda, although this deity appears to occupy quite 
a subordinate place among the others, yet his constant identifica- 
tion with the sacrifice is evidence to Keith (46) that Vishnu 
in reality held a large place in Vedic life. The importance of the 
sacrifice continued to grow’ throughout the Yajur-Veda and 
in the Brahmanas. This period marked also the growing 
importance of Vishnu, untilin the Satapatha Brahmana (47) he 
becomes the personification of the sacrifice. Is not this develop- 
ment of the sacrifice one at leastof the sources of his rapidly 
growing prestige during this period? 

In the Vedas heisthe god of the three strides. Identified 
with the sun, he dwells in regions of light where even birds may 
not approach (48). Heis associated with Indra in fights with 
the demon, Vritra (49). Inthe Upanishads it is the desire of 
manto ‘reach the highest place of Vishnu’’ (50). Bhandarkar 
thinks that this desire was also a source in enhancing the greatness 
of this deity (51). Heisalso associated with the household and 
marriage ritual (52). Was he, unlikethe older deities of the 
Vedas, a popular one, whether from among the masses, or even 
from among the aborigines? Keith considers (53) that he, along 
with Rudra, enjoyed the veneration of the people. It will be 
recalled that for many of the Aryan groups at least the later 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 67 


Vedic period marked the transition from the tribal tothe 
kingdom social order. This would undoubtedly eventuate in 
unfavourable economic and _ social conditions for many of the 
priestly families. Rhys Davids refers to conditions (54) when 
many of the Brahmans forsook their priestly occupations. Did some 
of these become priests of the gods which were popular among the 
people (55)? Wasthe worship of Vishnu so popular and deeply 
rooted among the masses that in the process of adjustment it came 
naturally. into the place of pre-eminence? Or was this worship 
the special cult of Brahmans, who got into control early and 
linked theirs with the more simple and popular elements among 
the masses to whose gifts they were compeiled to look for their 
sustenance? Many other questions, such as these, arise to which 
as yet definite answers cannot be given. 

However, the problems in connection with this deity 
cannot be dismissed without some reference to the incarnation 
notion, with which Vishnu became associated early; and which 
marked one of the ample stages in the earlier development of 
the bhakti way. In Jacobi’s able discussion (56) of this subject 
he exhibits the various stages and modifications in its evolution. 
He thinks it is unlikely that the theory of incarnation was 
first suggested by the story of Rama. The remarkably rapid 
change in the latter from an epic hero into an incarnation of 
Vishnu, which occurs between the redaction of the original 
Ramayana and the addition of the first and last books, was, he 
thinks, rather the application of a notion already deeply integrated 
in the social inheritance. Krishna, he holds, was the incarna- 
tion which established this notion in the social inheritance. 
His was a wide-spread worship, first as a tribal hero and later 
as ademi-god. Later still he became identified with Narayana 
and out of this we have the birth of this theory. However, 
Jacobi states that the Krishna incarnation-theory ought not 
to be thought of as the outcome of theological speculations, 
such as he thinks has been the case with most of the incarnations, 
set forth in the Vedic literature. It is rather ‘‘the great principle 
pervading and upholding a popular religion’’. Originally 
Krishna, Rama and Parashurama had no relationship with Vishnu. 
Parashurama’s connection with Vishnu seems to have come 
about very late as an adjustment to meet the necessities of popular 
belief. 

The consideration of Krishna as an incarnation of Vishnu 
. leads one naturally to the Epic literature. Rama as an incarna- 
tion, presented in the Ramayana, will be discussed ina later 
chapter. The Epic literature as a vehicle, which promoted 
the ascendancy of the bhakti way, marks another ample stage 
in its development. This literature also is beset with many 
problems, 


68 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Dr. Farquhar in his admirable summaries (57) presents the 
major stages with their related problems, which belong in the 
development of the Mahabharata epic. In its beginnings and 
later growth this Epic—the Ramayana will be discussed later—three 
general phases are discernible. These are exhibited in both the 
Epics. ‘They are as follows: first, the Epic, composed as a popular 
poem and the product of the 6th., 5th., or 4th. century B. C.; second, 
the Epic, made the vehicle to promote Vaishnavism and a product of 
the 2nd., century B. C.; and lastly, Vaishnava theism. In this 
stage the Mahabharata becomes the repository of theology, 
philosophy, and politics; this being the product of the 2nd. century 
A.D. While, as to these different stages in the Epic development, 
there isa growing unanimity among scholars, yet when it comes 
to dating each of these, this is not the case. Dr. Farquhar’s treat- 
ment furnishes the bibliography of those who discuss the problems 
connected therewith. 


The first stage meed not detain us long as it is akin to the 
development of epic literature in general. Suffice it to state: that 
its roots draw from the moving stories, such as are found in both 
the early and later Vedic literature. While no scholar has as yet 
separated out the old heroic material from the mass of later growth, 
yet the main features of this old material’s religious background 
is quite clearly discoverable. As summarized by Farquhar (58) 
the religion is frankly polytheistic and ritualistic. If sectarianism 
exists this early in the social inheritance, it has not as yet come 
into this literature. It contains neither theism, divine incarnation, 
nor any indication of the atman doctrine, as being a part of the 
thinking of that day. Although all the old Vedic deities are 
recognized, it is Indra, Brahma and Agni who appear to be the 
chief. Krishna appears, butit is not certain whether or not he 
is to be thought of as merely a man, or as a tribal deity. | 


In the second stage the religion is still polytheistic with 
emphasis upon the sacrificial ritual. However growing up side 
by side with this is seen the tendency to exalt the tribal hero, 
Krishna, into at least a partial incarnation of Vishnu, who in the 
triad has Brahma and Shiva as his associates now. But in reality 
he is **the popular god of many clans’’. 


Then in the last stage Vaishnavism comes into the hands of 
the philosophically-minded; and the deity is set forth in the 
terminology of the Sankhya and Vedanta systems, these being 
brought together by means of the Yoga. ‘This is the phase of the 
development when large sections of didactic material were added 
(59). Although as yet no critical study of all these sections has 
been completed with a view to setting all this new material in 
relation to dates and authorship, yet Hopkins (60) considers these 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 69 


portions to have come from Kosala, Videha, and the banks of the 
lower Ganges, rather than from the more ancient seats of Brahman 
culture, farther west. 


Of these didactic sections the most important by far is that 
known as the Bhagavadgita. Its date has been a subject of great 
controversy. Telang (61) and Bhandarkar (62) place it as early 
as the 4th. cent. B.C. But few scholars agree with them. Farqu- 
har, agreeing with Holtzmann, Hopkins and Keith (63), places it 
later than the second stage of the Epic and prior to the rest of the 
didactic Epic portions. 

The religion, exhibited in this work, is for all Hindus, rather 
than for everyone, as characterized Buddhism and Jainism. How- 
ever, in all the old systems, whether Brahmanic, Jain, or 
Buddhistic, only those who became ascetics could secure the 
Salvation offered. Whereas in the Gita-type salvation may be 
secured by all Hindus while they still continue to live in the 
work-a-day world. This is a radically new point of view and is 
another evidence of the reaction against the old ascetic way. The 
Gita sets forth three ways of salvation: that of knowledge, that of 
works and that of bhakti. Of these three the last is the most 
excellent way. While this work registers a radical change in some 
points in religious thinking and practice, yet as it now stands it, 
onthe whole, follows the path of compromise. Hindu law (64), 
the rules of caste (65) and the regulations regarding the worship 
of ancestors (66) are all to be faithfully kept. 


This work bears evidence of being rewritten (67). Regarding 
this, two very different theories are held by scholars. Garbe, 
following Bhandarkar’s theory regarding the origin of Krishna 
worship (68), holds that the Gita was written originally in the 
2nd. century B.C, This writing was done on the basis of the 
Sankhya-Yoga system. In the 2nd. century A. D., however, 
this theistic work was brought under the influence of the pantheism 
of the Upanishads and reconstructed; and this is the occasion of 
its inconsistent theological teaching. Not many, however, have 
accepted his theory (69). In criticizing it, Keith calls attention 
(70) to the fact that it is based in part upon the supposition, which 
Jacobi has shown to be a mistake (71): that Patanjali, who is 
considered to be the founder of the Yoga Sutra, is the same as the 
grammarian, who belonged in the second century B. C. This 
Keith feels makes the early date extremely improbable. Hopkins, 
in referring to this same theory (72), states that Garbe makes the 
work appear homogeneous by excluding all the verses in it which 
teach the Vedanta doctrine. The historical effect produced there- 
by is fallacious. ‘The epic philosopher is nevera Sankhyan; he 
isa Sankhya-Yogist, and itis this connecting link of the Yoga 
which to his mind makes it possible to unite two radically different 


70 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


systems’’. In a footnote, Hopkins adds ‘‘ Only four passages, out 
of the twenty selected to prove the case in Garbe’s Bhagavadgita 
(1905), show any sign of interpolation, and of the four only one is 
a really striking case of breaking the connection ’’, Farquhar 
thinks (73) that itis much more likely that the Gita, represents 
an old verse-Upanishad, which belongs somewhat later than the 
Shvetashvatara, and which after the opening of the Christian era 
was worked over to promote the worship of Krishna. He suggests 
that a careful comparison between this work and the Buddhist 
Saddharma Pundarika would be profitable in clearing up many 
of the problems referred to above. Some have seen in the Gita 
distinct traces of Christian influence. Garbe (74) has reviewed 
all this material. It is much more probable that all its sources 
are purely Indian. 


The outstanding feature of this work in relation to deity 
is the transformation of Vishnu and Krishna. The former on the 
one hand becomes identified with Brahman-Atman and on the 
other with Krishna. Until this transformation, Vishnu had been 
one of the triad of important deities. But now he is exhibited 
as the Absolute. Krishna, who in the second stage, was at best 
but a partial incarnation of Vishnu is now the complete Absolute. 
Hence he is called Bhagavan, the blessed Lord.*and this work the 
*“*Song of the Blessed ’’ ( Bhagavadgita ). While, as Farquhar 
States (75), this identification of Vishnu with Brahman suggests 
that the Absolute is personal, yet it tended to make the former 
remote by the usual rationalizing process to which reference has 
already been made. In actual practice and life man cannot live 
long with a remote deity. The uncertainties become too great. 
The incarnation-technique works out in practice to bridge the 
chasm. Hence the popularity of the incarnations, or at least un- 
til they too come under the corroding influences of the rationaliz- 
ing process, which, as we shall see, takes place in ‘their cage 
also later. As this rationalizing process proceeds with the in- 
carnations they too become increasingly remote. Then the tend- 
ency grows to bring in the guru to bridge the chasm. Even 
he in time repeats this same process. 

In turning to the consideration of some of the later portions 
of this didactic material one finds that in sections, such as the 
Anugita and Sanatsujatiya, the leading philosophical and religious 
ideas with their background are much the same as reflected in 
the Gita. One such section (76) is particularly revered by 
Vaishnavas as it contains their deity’s thousand names. In the 
twelfth book one meets with something of a new atmosphere and 
ideas (77). This, it is held, reflects a later phase in the evolution 
of Vaishnava teaching. Here Vishnu is represented as existing 
in four forms, or Vyuhas, whatever this may mean. As yet no 
one seems to be clear as to the background and ideas of this 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION fa 


‘‘schema’’,. Again the following terms meet one frequently in 
this section, especially the last: Satvata, Bhagavata and Pancha- 
ratra. The first appears to refer to the group, or the religion 
professed by those with whom Vasudeva is originally associated 
(78). The second is applied even early to those who worship 
Vishnu, At Besnagar, near Bhilsa in Gwalior State, there is an 
inscription (79), which Bhandarkar considers belongs in the 
second century B.C., in which a Greek, named Heliodorus, calls 
himself a ‘*bhagavata’’. In India today this word, however, has 
another reference also (80). Pancharatra refers to the sectarian 
Vaishnavas, ‘‘the worshippers of the One’’, who, because they con- 
fined their worship to one deity, were not considered orthodox. 
Was this religious development non-Aryan in its origins; and 
is this the reason it was counted unorthodox (81)? This is an- 
other one of the many problems, connected with the beginnings 
of bhakti, upon which more light is needed. Radhakrishnan, 
however, favours such a judgment. That portion of the Nara- 
yaniya, which contains the story of Narada’s journey to Shveta- 
dwipa, his experiences and the teachings he received, comprise the 
Scriptures of this sect. Panchashikha, who taught a theistic form 
of Sankhya, is regarded by Hopkins (82) asthe author of their 
teaching. 


The story of Narada’s visit possesses not a little significance. 
However, this latter does not consist in any reputed relationship 
with the West, or with Christianity, which is really highly improb- 
able. Garbe, in a work to which reference has already been made, 
has a good discussion of these possibilities regarding supposed hist- 
orical connection. It consists rather in the fact that it reflects a stage 
in the struggle of the bhakti way for ascendancy. Then again 
from the connection exhibited andthe names of the ascetics given 
in this section (83) it ig reasonably clear that the bhakti develop- 
ment. in some of its stages at least had direct relations with the 
ascetic development. In this story we have the three types of 
salvation presented. Then it is stated that neither the ancient 
way of sacrifice, nor even the way of asceticism qualifies one 
to get a view of the Supreme, or to become the object of his 
special favour. The way of bhakti alone affords this. 


Before passing from the discussion of the material of this 
stage, itis well tonote that the Krishna who fills the pages of the 
Harivansha and the Bhagavata Purana has not yet appeared. This 
is also true regarding Radha. The Krishna of the extant litera- 
ture of this period was born in Mathura that he might kill Kamsa 
and other demons like him. Subsequently he went to Dvarika. 
Vasudeva and Devaki are his parents. There is no reference either 
to any relationship with the cowherds of Gokul, or to his being 
the object of worship as a child. 


72 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


A general view of the beginnings of the bhakti develop- 
ment would not becomptete without some _ reference tothe 
part played by the Puranas in promoting its conscious 
beginnings. They also, like the two great Epics, become 
vehicles for sectarian propaganda. The Puranas, to quote 
Wilson (84),‘* offer characteristic peculiarities’ which mark 
them as more modern than the Epic. ‘‘Paramount importance 
is given to individual divinities,’’—to the “rites and observances 
addressed to them.’’ Legends are invented ‘illustrating the 
_ power and graciousness of these deities, and ofthe efficacy 
of implicit devotion to them’’, Hence the Puranas are ‘‘no 
longer authorities for Hindu belief as a _ whole;’’—‘‘they 
exhibit sectarian fervour and exclusiveness, not seen inthe 
Ramayana (Valmiki), and only to a_ qualified extent in the 
Mahabharata’’;—‘‘compiled for the purpose of promoting, either 
the preferential or the sole worship of Vishnu or Shiva.’’ 
‘“‘Vishnu or Shiva, under one form or other, are almost the sole 
objects that claim the homage of Hindus in the Puranas.’’ 
Furthermore asan evidence of the age and the virility of the 
Krishna phase of the bhakti development, this utilization of 
the Puranas began with the worshippers of this deity. 


The sources of this type of literature are very old. Pargiter 
(85) places the original compilation as early as the 9th. century 
B.C. Hequotes Kautilya (86) to show that as early as the 
4th. cent. B. C. the Puranas were definite works, whose establish- 
ed awareness inthe social inheritance presupposes an already 
long development. However, the existing Puranas come from 
much later and varied dates. Portions at least of these have 
been worked over again andagain in the interests of sectarian 
propaganda. The origina] material consists largely of royal 
genealogies, warrior ballads and_ tales. Practically all the 
religious teaching, they now contain, was added much later. 

According to scholars generally the earliest of the existing 
works were given their present form sometime during the 
Gupta period. Pargiter refers to the fact (87) that Bana in 
his Harivansha mentions the Vayu Purana, from which the former 
concludes that it must have existed before 620 A. D. The 
Bhagavata Purana is generally recognised as the latest of the 
more important of this type of literature. The same scholar 
(88) places it in the 9th. century A.D. Its early importance 
and influence appear to have been connected with South India 
during the bhakti revival which spread northward. Hence 
further reference will be made tothis work in the following 
chapter. 

The reputed number of the Puranas is eighteen. But there 
are really twenty. Harivansha, the concluding portion of 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 73 


the Mahabharata, is classed as one. It is considered the oldest and 
is the most highly esteemed. It and the Vishnu Purana appear to 
belong to the same period (89), which is considered as not later than 
the opening of the fifth century A. D. Farquhar considers the latter 
the product of the Pancharatra sect of Vaishnavism (90). It and 
the Harivansha have muchin common. In theology they differ 
little if any from the Gita. Their significance in this development 
is the importance they give to the youth of Krishna. Both works 
are full of stories of superhuman deeds, wrought by this youth and 
his brother. These stories are not free from coarse jokes and erotic 
tendencies. This is especially true of the Vishnu work. Their 
influence has been enormous. They have done much to enhance 
the popularity of Krishna within certain circles, as well as to give 
a strong impetus to the later development of the erotic in Hinduism. 


The Shakta religious development, which came into promin- 
ence about the middle of the sixth century A. D., participated in 
and also promoted this erotic emphasis to a remarkable degree (91). 
This later development gave great prominence to the worship of 
goddesses as the consorts of one or other of the great deities. These 
goddesses represented the creative energy of the particular deity 
with which they were associated. Some of the religious practices 
connected with many of these cults became and have continued so 
degrading that they are unmentionable. Inasmuch, however, as the 
Rama phase of the bhakti development is fortunately remarkably 
free from such unwholesome religious practices and symbolism; and 
since it is a phase of the Rama cult with which this particular study 
is concerned, no further special reference will be made to the erotic 
phasesof bhakti. Suffice it to add: that the latter is connected prim- 
arily with some one or other element of the Radha-Krishna cult. 


However, discussion in this chapter ought not to be concluded 
without first giving some consideration to another development, 
contributory to the beginnings of bhakti, and which is also beset 
with many problems. This is the Rama cult. Schrader (92) and 
Bhandarkar (93) consider it of comparatively modern growth. The 
latter would place its beginnings as late as the twelfth century A.D. 
Both base their conclusions upon the lack of any reference to such 
a cult jn the early literary and inscriptional remains. But since one 
is not justified in equating literary remains and inscriptional mater- 
ials with the entire ongoing life of a group in any particular phase 
of its history, arguments so based must remain more or less inconclus- 
ive. Onthecontrary Farquhar, among other proofs offered (94), 
refers to the existence of an Upanishad called the Rama-purva-tapan- 
iya in which Rama is set forth as an incarnation of Brahman, and 
remarks quite rightly that this carries with it certain implications 
regarding a Rama cult existing several centuries previous to the 
time, assigned by Bhandarkar, 


74 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Where did this Rama cult arise originally ? Was it in South 
India rather than in the North ? Did Jainism, which spread early 
to South and West India, have anything to do with the spread of 
the Rama stories in the South (95)? ‘These are some of the interest- 
ing and teasing problems that await more light before they can be 
settled. Several indications incline one to favour the thought that 
its early development took place in the South. Should this turn out 
to be so, would it not have something todo with the fact that in- 
formation about the Rama cult is late in appearing in the literary 
remains and inscriptions in North India? This is at least a question 
worth raising. 

After this comparatively brief and altogether too cursory ré- 
sumé of the data and problems of a wide and obscure field of study, 
which is the second task that was designated for this chapter, one 
must seek to gather up what would appear to be the major facts in 
this early development; and concerning which one may be tolerably 
certain. What were these largerand more certain factors in the 
actual beginnings of bhakti as a conscious religious development ? 

First of all it is evident: that bhakti as an unnamed experience 
and expressive of certain habits and attitudes towards some object, 
considered as deity, is much older than the technique and content, 
which became attached to it later when it evolved into a conscious 
movement. Bhandarkar states (96): that while the word ‘‘bhakti,’’ 
meaning love, is not found except ina verse in one of the later 
Upanishads, yet in this same body of literature there is a “fervent 
meditation’? upon a number of imaginative-constructs, such as: 
Manas (mind), and the Purusha inthe Moon or Sun, regarded as 
Brahman. Meditation of such a type would but magnify the imagin- 
ative-construct and give it a ‘glorious form so as to excite 
admiration and love.’’ They had the experience. Later came the 
part which the ascetics doubtless played in naming this experience 
and elaborating it into a technique of salvation. To the extent that 
these ascetics could objectify such imaginative-constructs as objects 
of their ‘‘fervent meditation’’, to that extent they would help to re- 
lease the pent-up, inner, emotional situation, which was inhibited 
by the practice of austerities. The extent to which this could be 
done, and thereby experience release from the inner tensions, would 
depend in no small degree upon the ascetic’s imaginative powers; 
and the extent also to which he had habituated himself to the way 
of the mystic. ‘There can be no doubt but what many of them ex- 
perienced this emotional release by the techniqueof these imaginat- 
ive-constructs and passed over to the goal of this process: the trance 
experience. On the other hand, however, this was a power and an 
experience which none but the masters, or the few could possess and 
live their lives upon it, meeting thereby the needs of the heart. The 
masses, Which in this respect must have included many ascetics also, 
needed something more tangible and immediate than a purely imag- 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION rps 


inative-construct. All such constructs under the process of reflect- 
ion become more and more remote and attenuated. True, these 
very masses would make more cr less of an imaginative-construct 
out of their own chosen object of worship. However, their imagin- 
ative-construct was attached to some tangible symbol to give body to 
their more or less unconsciously-created and idealized object of 
devotion. This immediately-tangible somewhat—whatever it might 
be—gave body and significance to the object of such worshippers. 
This the purely imaginative-construct of Brahman could not do. It 
is tolerably certain that right in this fact we find the reason for the 
wide prevalence and fervency attached to the worship of the human- 
like Vishnu and Shiva, and that also of their popular incarnations. 
Another assured fact which stands clear above all controversy 
is that the cult of Vishnu is both an early and popular one. As it 
grows it seems to gather to itself many accretions. The cult which 
grew up around this deity was a large factor in the early develop- 
ment of bhakti. Then when the rationalizing process exalted this 
deity and removed him far from his worshippers, his more popular 
incarnations came in to maintain and promote the warm, emotional 
worship which characterized his cult. Among these Vasudeva- 
' Krishna occupies the early and influential place. Jacobi (97), unlike 
Some other scholars, who have dealt with this most vexing problem 
(98), holds that in Vasudeva we havea deity united with a tribal 
hero anda wise man, Krishna. Ag the Vedic period drew to its 
close Vasudeva, asa god, became equated with Vishnu. At this 
time, however, Krishna was still regarded as a man. It was only in 
times subsequent to this that he became identified with Vishnu. 
This union of the tribal hero with the deity, Vasudeva, contributed 
to the growth and perfection of the incarnation technique. In the 
Taittiriya Aranyaka (99) he is first mentioned as a god along with 
Vishnu and Narayana, while Krishna gets his first mention in 
the Chhandogya Upanishad (100), where Jacobi thinks he is still 
thought of as man. In later Upanishads, however, (101), he is 
regarded as deity along with Vishnu. In the creation of the 
Krishna-incarnation imaginative-construct, this same scholar thinks 
Christian influence ig excluded. The Jains built up their hagiology, 
influenced by the Krishna history as a model. It would appear that 
most of the Jain Scriptures were put together in the sixth century 
B. C. (102). The split did not come for about three centuries after. 
From this procedure of the Jains, Jacobi argues that even in that 
early date the Krishna worship must have been popular and wide- 
spread. Concerning the actual coalescence of Vasudevism and 
Krishnaism this scholar holds that-it came about the end of the Vedic 
period when Vasudeva came to be equated with Vishnu. ‘Then this 
religion came to be the religion of the Yadavas, who then reverenced 
Krishna as their tribal hero. In time Krishna came to be thought 
of as an incarnation of Vishnu. This transition, he thinks, was easy 


76 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


because of the prevalent notion of heroes being the sons of gods, 
‘begotten through relations with women. 

Another factor that is written large over the face of the earlier 
stages of this development is the large influence exercised by the 
Epic and Puranic literature in promoting the popularization of the 
Krishna and Rama incarnations of Vishnu. 

Then again Jainism and Buddhism ought not to be overlooked 
as factors in promoting both the early and later stages of this devel- 
opment. Even if, as Jacobi holds, Krishnaism in its early develop- 
ment is earlier than Jainism, yet such a movement as the latter with 
its rigorous ascetic discipline, would tend to promote the bhakti 
attitude. Ags tothe relation of Buddhism to the Krishna develop- 
ment there is considerable difference of opinion. Scholars like 
Senart (103), and de la Valee Poussin (104), with whom Macnicol 
agrees (105), see Buddhism taking its beginnings out of a sccial 
inheritance in which the Krishna development forms an influential 
factor. Others, however, fail to see this (106). Perhaps we would 
be nearer the truth to see Buddhism arising out of and as a result 
of the total social situation to which reference was made in the pre- 
vious chapters, rather than related to some specific religious current. 
So far as one may be able to judge, the Buddha country in the East 
seems to have known little or nothing of the country around Gujarat, 
where the Krishna movement seems to have arisen. However, one 
must be warned against equating literature with life. There may 
have been a considerable amount of religious intercourse of which 
we have no literary deposit preserved. 

However, regardless of whether or not one can settle the orig- 
ins of the Buddhist development, there can be no doubt that both 
in its beginnings and in its later development it would prove a great 
re-enforcement to any bhakti attitude. In the first place Buddha 
was a fervent soul, who seemed to have been able to make an imag- 
inative-construct and idealization of the ‘*Middle Path’’. Soas 
far as he was concerned he had something of the bhakti attitude to- 
wards his imaginative-construct. It took care of the emotional de- 
mands of his inner life. Then the groups he gathered about himself 
seem to have had in their attitude towards their teacher something 
of the bhakti attitude towards deity. Upon the passing of their 
great leader and his subsequent exaltation to deityhood such an att- 
itude would become greatly enhanced and elaborated. One cannot 
read the psalms of the Buddhist brethren, or sisters without dis- 
covering how large an element of the atmosphere of these particular 
hymns partakes of the bhakti attitude. 

In concluding it remains to note that in the matters first un- 
der review in this chapter there are in the sources at our disposal 
three distinct ways of salvation. Each has its own technique and 
content with a corresponding cosmic world-order. While it is true 
that no one of these ways is entirely distinct from the others, yet 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 77 


their definiteness in technique and content are sufficiently pro- 
nounced and sufficiently related to social situations, which give 
them such point and significance as to permit their being considered 
in some such way as has been attempted here. These lines cannot 
be sharply drawn. This is-due in large measure to the lack of dates 
and of a general historical background to the literature that reflects 
these various ways of salvation. However, perhaps enough has been 
stated to justify this somewhat new approach to this great field of 
study. In any case some such general survey of the field is all that 
could be attempted here. 

While this bhakti attitude is very largely appropriated by the 
Vaishnava development asa whole. Yet it is by no meang confin- 
ed thereto. It has effected deeply the Shaiva religious development 
also. However, it is not the purpose of this study to follow the main 
lines of all the varied ramifications of the bhakti way of salvation. 
It is to but one of these lines, the Rama, that particular attention 
will now be given, 


18 


(1). 
(2). 


(3). 


(4). 
(5). 
(6). 


(7). 
(8). 
(9). 
(10). 
(11). 
(12), 
(13), 


(14). 
(15). 
(16). 
(17). 
(18). 
(19). 
(20). 
(21). 
(22). 
(23). 
(24). 
(25). 
(26). 


(27). 
(28). 
(29). 
(30). 
(31). 
(32). 
(33), 
(34), 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


REFERENCE NOTES. 
Introductory, p. 3f. 


Carnoy, Mythology of Ali Races (VI), p. 264f. See Review of above in 
Amer. Anthropoligist (1918) by Dr. W. E. Clarke, p, 106ff, 


RUN. 18 11.5104; 281s A.V, LV AO Vili Sieve. 

Macdonnell, Vedic Mythology, p. 162ff. 

A. V., V. 6. 11; XVIII. 4.64; Sata. Brahmana XI. 1. 8. 6; XII 8. 3. 31. 
Introductory, Sec. on Presuppositions, No. 9. 

Mahabharata, Shantiparva, Chap. I, 


Manu VII. 90-93, 202, 211, 212-214. 
Shilotri, ibid., pp. 43, 44. 


RIV. 1.9162,163;1V.788239540. 
Farquhar, Outline Relgs. Lit. of India, p. 6. 
99 9 ” a9 ” p. 7. 
oR, ty, KE) a a0. 
Sata. Brahmana II. 2. 2. 6; II. 4. 3. 14. 
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 141ff. 
Mrs. Rhys Davids, Psalms of Sisters, p. 84f, p. 15: 


“O, free indeed! O gloriously free 

Am [in freedom from three crooked things: 

From quern, from mortar, from my crook’d back lord! 
Ay, but I’m free from rebirth and from death, 

And all that dragged me back is hurled away.” 

“Cool am I now; I know Nibbana’s peace’’ 


» Psalms of Brethren, p. 5. 
V. Smith, Oxford Hist. of India, p. 14. 
Aitareya Brahmana, XI, 6. 4, 
Davids, ibid., p, 249. 
Manu, chaps., II-VII. 
Manz, S. B. E. (X XV), Introduct., Sec. ii, p. xlvff. 
Mahabharata, III. 43. 4-6. 
Davids, ibid., p, 249. 
Radhakrishnan, Indian Phil., p. 122. 
Farquhar, ibid., p. 52f. 
Urquhart, Pantheism and Life, p. 297ff. 
Davids, ibid., p. 244. 

5, Dialogues of Buddha, (1), pp. 226-232. 


R. V,, 1. 179, cf. Note, Vedic Index (1), p. 7; (Grifith’s Trans.) Rew 
I, p. 650. 


S. B. E. (XXV). p. 273, Note re India; S. B, E. (X XVI), p, 81, Note 3. 
Rapson, Cambridge Hist. of India (1), p. 225. 

Radhakrishnan, ibid., p. 583. 

Farquhar, ibid., p. 116; E. R. E. (IV), p. 838. 

D. C. Sen, Hist. Bengali Language and Literature, p. 402. 

Davids, Buddhist India, chap. on ‘‘Animism”’. 

Bhandarkar, ibid., p. 3. 

Mahavastu, I. p. 245, line 8. 


(35). 
(36). 
(37) 
(38). 
(39). 
(40). 
(41). 
(42). 
_ (43), 
(44), 
(45). 
(46), 
(47). 
(48), 
(49), 
(50). 
(Si) 
(52). 
_ (53), 
(54). 
(55). 
(56). 
(57). 
(58). 
(59). 
(60). 
(61). 
(62). 
(63). 
(64). 
(65). 
(66). 
(67). 
(68). 
(69), 


(70). 
(71). 
(72). 
(73). 
(74). 
(75). 
(76). 
(77). 
(78). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 79 


Urquhart, ibid., p. 300. 
Bhandarkar, ibid., chaps. IV, VII, VIII, IX. 
E. R.E. (1X), p. 184f. 
Bhandarkar, ibid., pp. 36-38. 
Radhakrishnan, ibid.,, p. 489. 
J. R.A. S. (1905), p. 384. 
J. R. A. S. (1915), p. 548; (1917}, p. 173. 
E.R. E. (VII), p. 196f. 
Urquhart, ibid, p. 432. 
E. R. E. (ID), p. 540. 
Farquhar, ibid., p. 50. 
Rapson, ibid,, (1), p. 145. 
Sata. Brahmana, XIX. 3. 9. 
Ren Vey ReLL OO Os 
Macdonneli, Vedic Mythology, p. 39. 
Katha Upanishad, ets ae 
R.V< I, 22-18% VIE ‘S59. 1-2: 
Sata. Brahmana, I. 2. 5. 
Rapson, ibid., p. 145. 
Davids, ibid., p, 249. 
Farquhar, ibid., Note on p. 51. 
RHE VID peto3ik 
Farquhar, ibid., pp. 44ff, 83ff, 228ff. 

‘won Dabo: 

* » p. 85; Hopkins, Great Epic, chap. V. 
Hopkins. Great Epic, p. 78. 
S. B. E. (VII), p. 34. 
Bhandarkar, ibid., p. 13. 
Farquhar, ibid., p. 86. 
Gita, XVI. 23, 24; XVII. 1. 5. 

jk 43; 1131-33, 37; ILI. 23-26, 36; 1V. 13; XVI 41-48. 
» I, 40-44, 

Hopkins, ibid., p. 205, 234. 
Garbe, Indien und das Christentum, p. 228ff. 


Winternitz, Geschichte der indischen Litteratur (1), p, 373. 
Grierson, E. R. E. (11), p. 541. 


Keith, Samkhya System, p. 30. 
Jacobi, J. A. O. S, (XX XI), pp. 24-29, 
Rapson, ibid., p. 273. 
Farquhar, ibid., p. 92. 
Garbe, ibid., p. 24-44f, 
Farquhar, ibid., p. 87. 
Mahabharata, Bk. III, chap. III. 
i Bk. XII, chaps. 335-352, 
E. R. E. (VII), p. 196, 


80 


(79). 
(80). 
(81). 
(82). 
(83). 
(84). 
(85), 
(86). 
(87). 
(88). 
(89). 
(90). 
(91). 
(92). 


(93). 
(94), 
(95). 
(96). 
(97). 
(98). 


(99). 
(100). 
(101). 
(102). 
(103). 


(104). 
(105). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Luder, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, No. 6. 
Farquhar, ibid., p. 142. 

Radhakrishnan, sbid., p. 498. 

Hopkins, sbid., p. 144, 

Bhandarkar, ibid., p. 28. 


H. H. Wilson, Vishnu Purana (I), Preface. 
Pargiter, Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, p. 334. 
. * g p. 55. 
PP bs, * p. 49. 
” » \ p. 80. 
Farquhar, ibid,, p. 143, 
- »  p. 1438. 
¥ DLO TLE: 


Schrader, Introduction to the Pancharatra and _ the 
Samhita, pp. 5-9. 


Bhandarkar, ibid., p. 47-48. 

Farguhar, ibid., p. 190. 

Rapson, ibid., p. 596; Rice, Kanarese Literature, p. 34f. 
Bhandarkar, ibid., p. 28, 

BoB: BoviIbe poi os: 


Grierson, Art “Bhakti Marga”, in E, R. E. (II). 
Bhandarkar, ibid,, p. 4. 


Taittiriya Aranyaka, X. 1. 6. 
Chhand. Upanishad, III. 17. 6. 
E.R. E. (VII), p. 196. 


Ahirbudhnya 


Guérinot, Jaina Epigrapha; Buhler and Burgess: The fainas. 


Senart, Origines bauddhiques, p. 24. 

Art. in Indian Interpreter (1910), p. 178. 
Poussin, Opinions, p. 63, ~ 
Macnicol, Indian Theism, p. 65. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 81 
CHAPTER IV 


SOUTH INDIA’S SHARE IN LATER PHASES OF 
THE BHAKTI DEVELOPMENT. 


In the Bhagavata Mahatmya (1), which is the concluding and 
also a much later portion of the Bhagavata Purana, bhakti is person- 
alized asa beautiful young woman, who says regarding herself 
that she was born in Dravida land. In the Bhagavata Purana itself 
(2) it is represented in prophetic perspective that in the Kaliyuga, 
while men, devoted to Narayana, will be found scattered here and 
there throughout India, yet it will be in Dravida land along the 
banks of the Kaveri (Cauvery), Tamraparni and other rivers in those 
areas where such devotees will be found in largest numbers. Aiyang- 
ar states (3) that allthe Alvargs and Acharyas of Vaishnavism and 
all the Adiyars of the Shaivas were without exception born in the 
Tamil country (Dravida land). It was there also where they pro- 
pagated their faith. 

Barnett states (4) that the word ‘‘Dravida’’, or “Dramida’’, 
which in Pali is ‘‘Damila’’, is the ethnic name for Dravidian. He 
considers that the Pali form is identical apparently with the adject- 
ive “Tamil’’. This name, which he holds is really applicable to 
only one branch, the Tamil, has been extended to cover a whole 
racial family. This same author points out that an ancient Tamil 
tradition refers to ‘‘pancha-dravidam’’, referring thereby to the 


Tamil, Andhra (Telugu) and Kanarese countries and also to 
Maharashtra and Gujarat. 


The Bhagavata Purana, to which further consideration will 
be given later is a distinctly sectarian production. It is recognized 
as the latest of the principal works of this character. Farquhar, who 
gives consideration to the question of both its place of origin and 
probable date (5), thinks that it wag written about 900 A. D. It is 
highly probable that the South was its place of origin. Hence it is 
clear that the statement in the opening paragraph above ought not 
to be taken as referring to the bhakti development in general. The 
bhakti attitude and much of its technique had been in existence for 
centuries before this Purana was written. It must refer, therefore, 
to some one or other of the later sectarian phases of its growth. 


Present-day scholars for the most part recognize that South 
India undoubtedly had a large share in promoting later phases of the 
bhakti way of salvation. Rao Sahib S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, 
who is one of the outstanding present-day South Indian scholars, 
holds that although the North, rather than the South, is the birth- 
place of bhakti, yet the South is its special home. He states 
that the earliest, extant portions of Tamil literature bear distinct 
traces of devotion to a personal deity. Sir Richard Temple ina 
recent article (6), written as a review of Prof. Aiyangar’s book on 


82 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


South Indian culture, goes so far as to state: “It is the Southern 
Bhakti school of thought that one can trace in Vaishnavism—the 
prevailing belief-—as it is now in North India’. He adds: ‘‘that 
modern Hinduism owes its existence and its form firstly to the 
long rule of the Pallavas, and secondly to the Vijayanagar Empire’’. 
The former were not merely patrons of Sanskrit culture from the 
North, but they were also promoters of the worship of Vishnu 
and Shiva. ‘Then on the other hand Vijayanagar was for long 
the bulwark, defending the Hinduism of the South from Moham- 
medan aggression. Although one may not be convinced from 
the available data that the part played by the South India Hindu 
development and culture in general was as large as assigned to 
it by Sir Richard, yet it is very clear that the South Indian contrib- 
ution tothe later Hindu development is much larger than has 
been recognized hitherto by some scholars. 

This chapter will attempt to indicate in broad outline, as 
well ag one may in view of the present paucity of data at one’s 
disposal, the principal features of earlier phases of the South India 
bhakti development. However, in attempting such a task one must 
first of all do what one can to reconstruct the social situations out 
of which such felt, religious needs grew; and which the religious 
development in the South sought to meet and satisfy. Such has 
been attempted already in tracing the religious development in the 
North, It will be undertaken now with reference to the South. 
Although this is a ventursome task to assay, because the dearth of 
available historical data, which are necessary for this work, is even 
greater than was the case in the North. Yet perhaps enough can be 
done to be of service for the purpose intended. 

First of all, therefore, it becomes necessary to assemble the 
data available to assist in visualizing early conditions in the south- 
ern part of the Peninsula. Naturally one turns first of all to 
inquire as to who the Dravidians were originally. Are they to be 
thought of as constituting the original inhabitants of this great 
sub-continent (7)? Or are they a racial group, which came into 
India several millenia before the Christian era by way of Baluchi- 
stan, and which made its way gradually into the plain of the Indus 
river, and, ultimately, into the regions south of the Vindhyas (8)? 
This is a question still beset with many problems, for which more 
light is really needed before any decisive answer can be given. 
Fraser holds (9) that there is no reliable evidence to prove, either 
that the Dravidians were the original inhabitants, or that they 
arrived from outside. However, this much at least is clear: the 
peoples living in South India were kept isolated down to almost 
historical times from the recurring inroads and conquests to which 
those living in the North were exposed. 

For along time the Vindhyas proved an effective barrier to 
military aggression from the North. However, this does not pre- 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 83 


clude necessarily the possibility or probability, of the peaceful 
penetration of the Aryan culture into the South at a time 
previous to military operations. Although the latter may accel- 
erate the process, as it generally does for reasons that are obvious, 
yet the peaceful penetration process may be well advanced before 
military activities are undertaken. 

This brings us to the interesting question as to when Brahman 
culture became areal determining factor in the social inheritance 
of the peoples of the South. There isa considerable difference 
of opinion among scholars on this point. For example, Burnell 
thinks (10) that even as late as 700 A. D. Brahman influence in 
the South was not extensive. A.Govindacharya Svamin rejects 
this as altogether too late adate. He, like other present-day 
South Indian scholars, places the ‘Arianization’’? of the South 
much earlier: between the sixth and the third centuries B.C. (11). 
But Crooke thinks this is much too early (12). “Arianization’’, 
however, does not connote just the same thing as the Brahman 
phase of this process. 

However, before discussing the problems connected with 
this ‘“Arianization’’ process, it is necessary first of all to indicate 
as clearly as may be possible those characteristics of early religious 
culture inthe South, which may be classed as peculiarly South 
Dravidian. As is obvious, we shall be compelled to use such liter- 
ary documents as are available to feel our way back behind them 
into the social inheritance of which they have partaken, and into 
the social situations out of which they came. This, it must be 
confessed, is a precarious undertaking when the literary data avail- 
able are very limited; and when one must depend upon others to 
furnish what is in the originals. However, with such aid as dis- 
cipline in the social sciences is calculated to render, something not 
altogether worthless can be accomplished in spite of the serious 
handicaps indicated. 

Of the South literary languages Tamil, Kanarese, Telugu 
and Malayalam are the chief (13). Among these Tamil is by 
far the oldest, richest and most highly organized (14). This 
would imply not only that the beginnings of their literary develop- 
ment was of high antiquity, but also that they were long subjected 
to the stimulating effects of alien cultures, which brought them 
contacts calculated to keep the Tamil civilization growing, and 
thereby enriching its own characteristic culture. The large amount 
of available data (15) furnishes abundant evidence that long before 
the opening of the Christian era the three Tamil kingdoms: 
Pandya, Chola and Chera, had developed a thriving trade and 
very extensive commercial relations not only with Western and 
Upper India, but also with the Mediterranean world and the 
Farther Kast. The trade with the North and West was _ largely 
in jewels, especially pearls. These latter were gathered along the 


84 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


coasts of the Pandya kingdom (16). . Vedic, as wellas Buddhist 
literature (17), refers not infrequently to sea-voyages and ships. 
Some of the latter are reputed to have been large enough to carry 
seven hundred—a little bit of exaggeration, most probably. In the 
Periplus Maris Erythraei, a work of maritime travel and written 
by an unknown author probably about 60 A. D., ora little later 
(18), there is ample evidence that India, especially the Tamil 
kingdoms, had long possessed an extensive and varied maritime 
trade with both the West andthe Farther East. This particular 
writer describes his own personal experiences, not those of another, 
along the coasts of the Red Sea, Arabia and Western Iniia, in 
addition to adding much which he obtained through others. He 
describes some of the chief ports of the Tamil country, which he 
calls Damirike (19). Muziris, a port of the Chera kingdom is 
mentioned. Pliny also refers to this place, and remarks that pass- 
engers do not care to embark there as its surrounding sea-front 
and coast are infested with pirates. Hence all the ships making 
this a port of call require to carry companies of archers for pro- 
tection. Nelkynda is another port. Thisis in the Pandya territory 
and, at the time of the writer, was India’s most important maritime 
trade centre. The extent of this trade may be imagined from the 
great masses of Roman coins of that time which have been dis- 
covered since in the South. Colonies of Roman traders even were 
settled in theseareas. A ‘*Yavana’’ colony occupied a centre at 
the mouth of the Cauvery. Ptolemy (20) writes of those whom 
he met, who had lived in the Pandya territory for a long time. 
This maritime trade continued extensive throughout the first three 
centuries A. D. In the fourth, due to serious political and other 
disturbances in the Roman Empire, trade with the West almost 
ceased. During the fifth and sixth it revived slightly. But in the 
seventh, the century in which the Arabs conquered Egypt and 
Persia, all direct communication with the West was closed. 
Trade of such an extent and varied character carries with it large 
implications forthe question under consideration. These will be 
discussed presently. Suffice it to state here that through such large 
commercial activities the Tamil kingdoms grew wealthy and at- 
tained at an early date a high degree of material civilization. 
Kanarese literature, we are told (21), began with a long suc- 
cession of Jain poets and scholars. It is to Sanskrit scholars from 
the North that Kanarese owes its reduction to writing. Its alpha- 
bet, grammatical terms and arrangement follow the Sanskrit models 
(22). The written character, which is common alike to Telugu 
and Kannada is derived from the so-called South Asoka charact- 
er through that of the cave-inscriptions in the West of India. 
This cannot be traced to a date prior to 250 B. C. Through the suc- 
cessful researches of Dr. Buhler it is now generally recognized by 
present-day scholars that this character is North Semitic in origin 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION So 


(23), and was introduced into India about 800 B.C. The Kanarese 
vocabulary igs so dependent upon Sanskrit for its religious and 
philosophical terms that the latter hag been called its ‘foster- 
mother’ (24). Even the oldest extant Kanarese works are replete 
with Sanskrit terms. Literary Telugu, it is claimed by some, was 
the outgrowth of the literary development in Kannada. ‘These 
two language areas had no geographical barriers between them, 
enjoyed an extensive mutual intercourse, and at times during their 
history were either under acommon or allied sovereignty (20). 
On the other hand, however, it was not until the introduction of 
Shri-Vaishnavism into Kannada that Tamil culture exercised any 
influence upon the Kanarese cultural development (26). Geographic- 
al as well as linguistic factors were operative in hindering an 
earlier intercourse. 

Malayalam originally appears to have been merely a dialect 
of Tamil. The divergence of the former into a separate tongue 
cannot be traced back farther than the tenth century A. D. Its 
oldest, extant, literary work, which belongs about the thirteenth 
century, isa poem, the Ramayana, called ‘‘Ramacharitam’’ (27). 
Among the South Dravidian languages, the proportion of Sanskrit 
words is largest in this language, while in Tamil it is smallest. 
This would go to show that inthe Tamil culture in general we 
would expect to find that which is most characteristically South 
Dravidian. 

However, Konow (28) holds that although the earliest Dravid- 
ian literature goes back to a very early date, yet it is very largely 
-indebted to the Aryans. Aiyangar (29), who, basing his argument 
on the chronology of Tamil literature and history, holds also to the 
early date, states (30), that just as Indian history begins with the 
coming of the Aryans into India, so also the history of India south 
of the Kistna-Tungabhadra frontier begins with the arrival of the 
Aryans in the South. From the early grammarians, Bhandarkar, 
on the other hand, has sought to show that not until the seventh 
century B.C. did the Aryans of the North know anything about 
the South. Upto that time such advance southward as may have 
been made by the Aryans was, he thinks, by way of the Hastern 
and Western coastal regions, below the Ghats (81). Crooke also 
thinks (32) that although this peaceful penetration of Brahman cul- 
ture may have passed down through these coastal areas, yet fora 
long time the advance into the Deccan was checked by the mount- 
ains which geparate the latter from the low-lying coastlines. He 
holds that a comparatively late date for the integration of the Brah- 
man culture into the the social inheritance of the South fits in well 
with the existing facts. He points out that the South Dravidian 
tongues have not only held their own, but that their general cul- 
ture, art, politics and religion have developed along original lines, 
quite different from the Northern culture. Sir George (Frierson, 


86 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


who in general favours Crooke’s position, makes an observation as 
to what happens when a cultural group, whose language has not 
yet become integrated in a literary development, comes into contin- 
uous contacts with another cultural group, whose language, on the 
contrary, has become already embedded in a rich and varied liter- 
ary development (33). It isthe language, possessing no literary 
development, which ‘‘invariably goes to the wall’’. This process 
may be seen in India to-day among those Dravidian and other cul- 
tural groups, which have no literary development. Sir George 
remarks “that the South Dravidian tongues have held their own 
down to the present’’. The inference naturally is: that had the 
Tamil country had no literary development connected with its 
language previous to the arrival of the Brahmans, then the process, 
to which this scholar refers, would have either worked itself out 
to completion in the passing away of the Tamil tongue, or that 
this process would at least have been well advanced in that early 
period. However, does not the force of this line of argument become 
largely vitiated when it is realized, that not infrequently the pro- 
moters of an alien culture, possessing literary development, present 
their alien culture in the garb of the indigenous language, rather 
than by means of the alien language tool? The fact has been not- 
ed already that the Jain poets and scholars laid the foundations 
and promoted the early literary development in the Kanarese ver- 
nacular. We aretold (34) that wherever Jainism and Buddhism 
were carried in the early centuries of these movements they gave 
an impulse to the formation of literary languages from among the 
dialects where these religions spread. What was to hinder the earl- 
ier-arriving Brahmans from the North from doing something simil- 
ar inthe Tamil country? It may be urged that the Brahman 
culture through age had become already much more rigid than the 
other two religions from the North. Moreover, the former had 
long since become knit up into a more closely articulated aristocrat- 
ic system both of thinking and practice in matters social and religi- 
ous. Then this culture had become enshrined in the sacred Sans- 
krit tongue. Hence the penetration of the Brahman culture to the 
extent of becoming an influential factor in the social inheritance 
of the South would be much slower than that of Jainism and 
Buddhism. ‘These latter were more democratic in their fundament- 
al principles; and were not linked up with an aristocratic social 
system. Furthermore an observation of Campbell’s has been cited 
as militating against the conviction concerning the existence of 
early Brahman culture in the Tamil country (35), namely: ‘‘people 
at an early stage of culture are too entirely steeped in the awe and 
reverence, which has descended to them through their forefathers 
to adopt heartily and entirely a system of worship coming from 
abroad. The imitative faculty may be active in grafting foreign 
features on native religion, but the inherent force of that religion 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 87 


will always prevail over such adjuncts, which to begin with are im- 
perfectly understood’’. Now while the above isa matter of such 
common observation that it cannot be gainsaid, yet on the other 
hand no matter how early the missionaries of the Brahman culture 
may have arrived in the South and began their work, yet there is 
enough indigenous originality about the Tamil culture to make one 
certain that even at that early time, whenever it might have been, 
the Tamil land possessed no inconsiderable culture of its own. Then 
on the other hand those Brahmans, who had enough of the pioneer 
spirit to travel so far from the sacred land of the Brahman culture, 
must have been adventurous souls. An adventurous soul is always 
both forward-looking and one who possesses to a greater or lesser 
extent the mind and the ability to adapt himself to new conditions. 
If the Jains from the North possessed the mind and the ability to 
make the Kanarese vernacular a vehicle with which they expressed 
their religious culture, what was there to hinder adventurous souls 
from among the Brahmans of a still earlier day from doing similar- 
ly in the Tamil country ? While one may not be able to put his 
finger on specific evidence to substantiate the above statement, yet 
Aiyangar in his new work, just published (36), in which he dis- 
cusses this whole problem at considerable length, has certainly 
made out a strong case for the integration of a considerable amount 
of Brahman culture at atime previous tothe coming of the Jain 
and Buddhist religious movements into the same areas. 

According to him (37) the main source of information in the 
Tamil country for the times preceding the rise of the Pallavas is a 
body of literature, known as the ‘‘Sangam’’, which term is equival- 
ent to ‘‘sangha’’ inthe Sanskrit. This designation assumes the 
existence of something like an ‘‘academy of scholars or critics’’, 
which gave its sanction to the issuing of literary works in Tamil in 
those early days. But the very existence of such a body presup- 
poses a preliminary period of literary beginnings and early develop- 
ment of no inconsiderable length of time before ever the feeling of 
need for such a body would naturally arise. The conscious. need 
for such a body, like the codification of law, would come in the 
later stages of the initial literary development after there had al- 
ready been much individualistic and sporadic literary activities. 
Such an academic group grew up undoubtedly in answer to some 
felt-need, which must have already become more or less general; 
and must have arisen only after some taste for literature had already 
developed. As stated by Aiyangar, the very existence of sucha 
group presupposes ‘a body of scholars of recognized worth and 
standing in the world of letters, who were maintained by the con- 
temporary kings, and who constituted a board before whom every 
work seeking recognition had to be read’”’ (38). Tradition refers to 
three such groups of scholars and critics. The first and second con- 


tained a number of Pandya kings, who are reputed to have taken 
part in such activities, 


88 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Aiyangar places the age of the Sangam (39) in the first and 
second centuries A. D. Much of the literary productions of these 
periods is concerned with heroic events in the lives of kings, or of 
other patrons of the authors. ‘Several of these fugitive pieces’, 
this author adds, ‘‘are like the heroic tales out from which sprang 
Homer’s Iliad—the Ramayana and Mahabharata.’”’ ‘These works 
relate to the generations preceding, several of them proximate, some 
of them it might be remote.’’ Asa whole they give us a picture 
of the Tamil land in a time of comparative quiet, great prosperity 
and of an extensive trade. However, they also give fugitive refer- 
ences to times of invasion. For example, there isa reference to 
the Mauryan invasion when the invaders came as far south as with- 
in seven miles of Madura. Another reference is to the ruts ona 
distant hill on the frontier of Tamil land, which had been made 
by the “rolling cars of the Mauryas’’. The Nandas also of the 
North were known to these Tamil writers. Reference is made to 
the wealth of the former in their capital at Patali (Patna). 

It is probable from literary data, presented by Aiyangar (40), 
that in the time cf Asoka the southern limits of his Empire, which 
lay outside the northern Jimits of the Tamil kingdoms, marked also 
the southern limits of the Buddhist official propaganda. However, 
this would not necessarily prevent individual Buddhists, or small 
groups from carrying their faith into the Tamil areas. With the open- 
ing of the Christian era, however, and perhaps even a half century 
earlier, there is evidence in the Sangam literature that both Jain- 
ism and Buddhism were flourishing in the Tamil kingdoms. 
Aiyangar, on the evidence from the literature, concludes ‘‘that there 
is nothing whatsoever to justify the old classification that there 
was an age of the Jains, which preceded all others, followed by an 
age of the Buddhists and then again by the Brahmanical age. No 
clearly marked chronological division is discernible in the evidence 
at our disposal’’. His conviction is: that in the beginning, which 
corresponds with the years immediately preceding and succeeding 
the opening of the first Christian century, these three faiths lived 
side by side. Sometimes they all three enjoyed the favour of the 
rulers. At other times aruler, becoming the devotee of one or 
other of these religions, would cause the partial eclipse, or even the 
persecution of the followers of the other faiths. It would appear 
that the sectarian and persecuting spirit increased after the opening 
centuries of the Christian era. Fraser (41) calls attention to the 
fact that two important remances in Tamil of the second century 
A. D. reflect a condition of comparative harmony among the Jains, 
Buddhists and, what this writer calls, the indigenous cult of Shiva. 
However, on the other hand, another Tamil romance of the tenth 
century reflects hostility on the part of the Jains as well as the 
Shiva cult towards Buddhism. This hostility grew not only against 
the latter faith but also against Jainism, until by the fifth and 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 89 


sixth centuries there was something akin toa nationalist revolt 
against these two alien faiths from the North and in favour of 
Shiva. This revolt seems to have been well advanced when Hiuen 
Tsang, the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, visited the South in 640 A.D. 
Weare told by himthat Kanchi city was so large that it was five 
miles in circumference. It contained at that time as many asa 
lakh of Buddhist monks, many Jain ascetics and some eighty Brah- 
man temples. Bnt in the land to the south of the Cauvery—Mala- 
kuta—the people were engrossed in commercial gain, rather than 
interested in learning. In it were the ruins of many old monaster- 
ies, presumably Buddhist. On the other hand there were many 
Deva temples, anda multitude of heretics—the lattter of course 
were considered such from the standpoint of a devout Buddhist. 
In the Chola and Pandya kingdoms farther south. he describes two 
Buddhist stupas. From the above facts it would appear that at 
that time Buddhism at least on the one hand was on the wane, while 
on the other Brahmanism, or at least its South Indian phases were 
coming into the ascendancy. 

However, at the opening of the Christian era the commercial 
and political relations of the Tamil kingdoms with other countries 
in the West and North seem to have been such as would tend to 
fromote the Jain and Buddhist faiths in the former. Ceylon seems 
to have been the exception (42). Towards the latter the attitude 
of sometimes one sometimes another of the Tamil kingdoms was 
one of continued hostility throughout a long period of time. Fur- 
thermore, with the exception just noted, religious conditions, especi- 
ally among the rulers in the countries adjacent to the Tamil 
kingdoms, had long been such as to enhance the prestige of these 
two faiths. Brief reference has already been made to the Kanarese 
country. Attention will now be given tothe Kalinga and Andhra 
kingdoms, which were the other two most powerful South Indian 
kingdoms in the years preceding and following the opening of the 
Christian era. 


In the ninth year of Asoka’s reign, about 262 B.C., the 
Kalinga kingdom (43) was overrun by his armies. At that time 
Kalinga extended as far south asthe Kistna river. From this one 
must conclude, either that up to this time the Kalingas were indep- 
endent of the Mauryas, as some hold (44), or that they were a part 
of the Empire before this and, having revolted, were being punish- 
ed and brought into submission again by thisruler. When Asoka 
became a Buddhist he regretted deeply (45) that so many of its in- 
habitants (100,000) were slain in this struggle. In this statement of 
regret we are informed that inthe Kalinga country ‘dwell Brah- 
mans and ascetics, men of different sects’? (46). Jainism at least 
must have been one of these latter, Soon after Asoka’s death this 
kingdom regained its independence. Some of its famous caves, 


90 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


such as those at Udayagiri Hill, near Cuttack, Orissa, bear inscrip- 
tions which show that they were long occupied by Jain ascetics. 
One of these inscriptions commemorates the devotion of ‘‘two kings, 
a queen, a prince and other persons’’ (47), who had these caves 
prepared for the use of Jain devotees. Another one of these, called 
the Hathigumpha, or Elephant Cave, bears an inscription of Khara- 
vela, a king of Kalinga, who wasa Jain. ‘This inscription has been 
badly mutilated. Hence bothits date and information have be- 
come the subject of considerable discussion. However, it is pro- 
bable that it belongs about the middle of the second century B.C. 
(48). This date seems to fit in with his reign, which began about 
169 B.C. According to this inscription, Kharavela invaded a part 
of the Andhra kingdom. In his second campaign we learn that 
he subdued the Bhojakas of Berar, and carried his victorious arms 
as far west as the Maratha country, subduing the Rashtrikas. Both 
of these latter seem to have been subject tothe Andhra kings of 
Pratishthana, whose territory occupied the north bank of the Goda- 
vari in the modern district of Aurangabad, Hyderabad State. Al- 
though the Kalingas ethnologically were connected with people, 
such as the Angas of Bengal rather than with the Tamil kingdoms 
of the South, yet their territory lay sufficiently adjacent, especially 
along its southern confines, to give significance to the fact that it 
was the home of Brahmans and many Jains, both of whom repre- 
sented a phase of Aryan culture from the North. 


The Maurya dynasty came to an end about 184 B. C. (49), and 
on the ruins of this Empire the Andhra kingdom arose into great- 
ness and attained also finally the dignity of an empire (50). How- 
ever, Rapson thinks that it was not until the third king of the Sata- 
karni line that the Andhra power came into conflict with the forces 
of the decaying Empire (51). It would seem that the Andhras, 
either consisted of two great branches (52), or else they changed 
their capitals during the five centuries in which they were powerful 
(53). It would be interesting to learn whether or not the religion 
of the ruler had anything to do with such changes. Ikhnaton (54) 
of Egypt was not the only monarch who felt the need of changing 
his capital in the interests of the new religion which he adopted. 
Did we but know more about the facts, we might find that some of 
the Andhra rulers were actuated by similar motives. Under the 
rule of Andhra-Bhrtyas the great Buddhist tope at Amaravati was 
built, whose hills surrounding contain many rock-hewn caves, 
which were once the cells of Buddhist ascetics. Amaravati was 
the Andhras’ second capital. The earliest had been at Shri-kakulam, 
some nineteen miles from modern Masulipatam. Then again in the 
first century A.D. the center of at least the western part of this 


empire wasat Pratishthana, to which reference has been made 
already. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 91 


From Buhler (55), whose researches have given us much 
valuable information from the cave-inscriptions at Nanaghat, we 
learn that a king of the Satakarni line had a wife, named Naganika, 
who wasa daughter of a king of the Rashtrikas inthe Maratha 
country. There can be little doubt but what this marriage alliance 
represented a more or less intimate political relationship between 
these two powers. The. Andhra power now stretched from sea to 
Sea, with the Tamil kingdoms on its southern boundaries. In time 
this Empire extended its power north and west until, according to 
Rapson (56), who, following the evidence of the coins and inscrip- 
tions, considers that it included Videshaand Ujjain. The latter’s 
capital, even from early days, has continued to be one of the most 
sacred centres of Hinduism. The maritime trade of this power 
must have been very extensive. From about 40 A. D. and onwards, 
until the decay of this empire, its coast cities became greatly enrich- 
ed through their trade with Rome, which the Andhra rulers and 
satraps did much to encourage (57). The coins, used by this power, 
which were made of lead, bore on one side the figure of a two- 
masted-ship (58). 

The particular Satakarni king, to whom reference has been 
made already, performed the great ‘‘horse-sacrifice’’ in accordance 
“with the ancient Vedic rites’’ (59). This he did twice (60). Fur- 
thermore, among the cave-inscriptions of the Nana pass is one 
containing a description of the elaborate performance of certain 
great sacrifices in which a great number of animals, the supplies 
from many villages and much money were expended—not a little of 
this latter being in munificent fees to the officiating priests. Such 
performances, even though the description may contain some ex- 
aggeration, bear eloquent witness not only to the great wealth of 
the Andhra rulers, but also to what is of more concern in this con- 
nection: the dominance of the Brahman religious culture and its 
priestly hierarchy among rulers of this powerful realm. It would 
seem that the latter Andhra rulers in particular became the protect- 
ors and promoters of Brahman culture (61). Soon after the open- 
ing of the third century A.D. the Andhra power seems to have 
become greatly weakened through foreign aggression from both the 
North and West. 

For several centuries an almost continuous struggle had been 
carried on with varying results, not only among the Tamil king- 
doms themselves, but also with the princes, ruling in Ceylon, With 
the passing of the Andhra power at the opening of the fifth century 
new dynasties made their appearance. There were the Jain Kadam- 
bas, holding the south Maratha areas, bordering on Mysore. The 
Gangas were in control in the latter areas. Farther to the north on 
the west lay the Rashtrakutas, a growing power north as well as 
south of the Vindhyas; to the northeast of which were the early 
Chalukyas. At this time, however, the Pallavas were the most 


92 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


powerful dynasty in the South. They not only held the areas around 
modern Madras, which seems to have been their ancestral home, but 
their authority extended north of the Kistna, where they occupied 
the territories of the Vengi, and on the west, to include a part even 
of the Maratha country. However, the growth of the Pallava power 
and the Empire of Vijayanagar both bear a distinct relation to later 
phases of the religious development in the South. Hence we shall 
defer attention to them until we shall have considered those ele- 
ments in the Tamil religious culture that are characteristically 
Dravidian, ‘The discussion thus far in this chapter has been con- 
cerned withthe delineation of the major political and dynastic 
changes and the alien religious influences that were brought to bear 
upon the early South Dravidian religious culture. This all is but 
preliminary to the task set in this chapter. From necessity the 
discussion has been an exceedingly suminary one. However, it is 
hoped that no salient factor, which has bearing upon the task un- 
dertaken, has been overlooked. 

It is clear from the data presented above that Brahmanism, 
Jainism and Buddhism were all, and in the order named, early in 
the field. They were also prevalent over wide areas in the South. 
However, ought one therefore to conclude that anyone of these 
faiths became popular among the masses of the Dravidian South in 
the early centuries, either preceding or succeeding the opening of 
the Christian era, or even at a much later date? We are told (62) 
that even down to the present the masses in the South are charact- 
eristically Dravidian with athin veneer of the religious cultures, 
imported from the North(63). It isone thing for the rulers and more 
sophisticated of the South Dravidian peoples to become the devotees 
and the patrons of these North India religious cultures. It is 
quite another matter for this to become true also of the masses. 
‘vhe masses are always (and nowhere else more so than in India) 
the great conservators of the ‘‘mores’’ (64). The rulers, the religi- 
ous leaders and reformers and the sophisticated in general approp- 
riate the new and begin to integrate it in the social inheritance. 
But this takes a long time generally. In time, however, this does 
happen; and the new ceases to be new. It is then taken up into 
the ‘*mores’’ of the masses. The process is hastened greatly by 
some great religious struggle, like that in which the Vijayanagar 
Empire fought fiercely and resolutely to save Hinduism from 
Mohammedan aggression, or in the nationalist revolt against Jain- 
ism and Buddhism, during the days of the Pallava rule, 

How coulda religion, whether on the one hand agnostic about 
the existence of a personal deity, or on the other an unbeliever in 
the reality of the human sonl, become popular with the masses ? 
Until such a time as the Buddha andthe Jain Mahavira became 
frankly exalted to positions of deityhood, such religions would ap- 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 93 


peal almost exclusively to the more or less sophisticated, to those 
satiated with the world and to such as had suffered dire calamities, 
either at the hands of their fellows, or from ‘‘an act of God’’. 
These, however, might have beena considerable number. They 
certainly were soin the Northatamuch earlier time, It ought 
also to be borne in mind in this connection that the Tamil king- 
doms in the early centuries experienced a rapidly developing mater- 
ial prosperity. Such an experience ina nation or group’s life be- 
comes sooner or later exceedingly unsettling to the established 
customs, habits, attitudes, and norms. This is true, irrespective of 
whether these latter relate to matters economic, social, political, or 
religious. One product of any such social situation, whether of 
ancient or modern days, is the emergence of foci around which gath- 
er tensions and conflicts, arising through the disintegration of the 
old and the incoming of the new. ‘Then out of this there arises in 
individuals and little groups the ascetic type of mind. This type 
wishes to re-establish a type of life, which has either passed away, 
or is passing away. It has been set up by such individuals and 
groups as the norm, or ideal life. The ascetic development, when- 
ever it appears, isa reaction toarapidly developing materialistic 
civilization, whena racial ora national group, by means of some 
newly created or discovered tool or conquest, has acquired a new 
and sudden opportunity to amass material wealth. The South 
India kingdoms, especially those in Tamil land, were in the midst 
of such a development when Jainism and Buddhism arrived. It is 
scarcely necessary to add that both of these religious developments 
have been and still remain essentially ascetic in their character. 

The Brahman religious culture, however, had much more in 
common with the primitive Dravidian faith, than was the case with 
the two faiths just mentioned. Consequently we need not be sur- 
prised to find that the integration of the Brahman religious culture 
in the South Dravidian social inheritance would not constitute such 
a problem as was the case with the othertwo. The world of religi- 
ous practice and thought into which the primitive Dravidian 
reiigion introduces one is very similar to the one reflected in 
the Artharva-Veda, with this exception that it seems to be still more 
primitive. 

Sewell (65), describing the religion of the masses in South 
India to-day, thinks that what may be seen among them to-day is, 
in all probability, what has been always the case. While one may 
be unwilling to accept such a sweeping general statement, yet cert- 
ainly conditions among the masses have been such as to perpetuate 
largely unchanged the major features of their religious practice and 
thinking, The names of deities and demons may change. Some 
new ones may be born and become influential. Others may drop 
into the background and even pass away. Yet the fundamental 
habits, attitudes and notions, expressed in their religious practice 


94 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


remain practically the same through the centuries. True, some 
detail of practice may become modified. Caldwell (66), on the 
basis of philological study, has attempted to indicate some of the 
outstanding features of the South Dravidian primitive practices 
and beliefs. He finds no reference or allusions to images of their 
deities. In a study of the village gods of South India to-day, White- 
head (67) notes that while some of the more primitive village peopl- 
es have no image of their deities, yet, others have a rude figure of a 
woman carved upon a stone, or some other grotesque figure of a 
snake, a horse, orofsome other animal. More often it is nothing 
but a simple, stone pillar, or even a rude stone, which symbolizes 
their deities. Sewell, referred to above, notes that the worship of 
these masses to-day is directed towards local deities and patron gods 
and goddesses, and also towards demons for the purpose of propit- 
iating them. Prayers are uttered to the former for temporal needs, 
and, tothe latter, animal sacrifices are offered to avert their anger and 
capricious, evil wishes. Serpent-worship is prevalent and demons are 
thought to inhabit trees. He thinks that the worship of Vishnu and 
Shiva is confined practically to the upper classes. In Caldwell’s 
study, to which reference has been made above, he finds no here- 
ditary priests. Itis interesting to note that in the festivals of the 
South India, village deities to-day, there is no uniformity as to who 
should perform the ceremonies (68). To resume, Caldwell found 
that they had no idea of heaven, hell, the soul, orof sin. ‘They 
acknowledged the existence of deity, to whom they gave the name 
of Ko; and the temple erected for his use was called Ko-il. How- 
ever, he was unable to find any trace of their form of worship. In 
another place he states that in reality the objects of their worship 
are not the so-called deities, but rather the capricious demons. These 
they worshipped with bloody sacrifices and orgiastic dances. As 
another illustration of change inthe detail of practice observable 
to-day among these masses in their worship of village deities, the 
practice of animal sacrifice has been somewhat modified in the 
Tamil country. Iyenar, an important, male deity, who is regarded 
asthe night-watchman of the village, is not worshipped with anim- 
al sacrifices (69). The village temple ministrant, who ig almost 
always drawn from the lower castes (70), in case he should bea 
Brahman, takes no part in the animal sacrifices offered at the tem- 
ple. Among the primitive South Dravidians the officiating priest 
was most often a magician, or a medicine-man. He became the 
medium through whom communications from the demons were 
transmitted. ‘To accomplish this the priest would work himself up 
into a frenzy first. Thereby he became possessed of the demon to 
whom worship was being offered. 

These frenzied dances are still a marked feature of the South 
Dravidian religious practices to-day. These who perform such 
dances are drugged. When the frenzy and foaming at the mouth 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 95 


appear, it is taken as evidence that the dancers have come into com- 
munion with some demon, or goddess. While inthis state these 
become the ‘‘goothsayers’’ of the demon, or deity, which is generally 
thought of as thirsting for blood and unholy rites to appease his 
wrath. Weshall note shortly that when bhakti took on a new de- 
velopment, during the age of the Pallavas, the practice of dancing 
and singing before the temple, or image of the chosen deity was one 
of the most outstanding features. This characterized the religious 
practice both of the Vaishnava Alvars and of the Shaiva Adiyars. 

Another marked feature of South Dravidian worship and 
related thinking is the prominent place occupied by the female deity. 
Is this a survival from the time when the mother was the centre 
and the important one in the family social anit (71) ? Crooke fav- 
ours this explanation for the origins and early growth of female deity 
worship (72). Tylor notes (73) that among many primitives the earth 
is thought of asfemale. This worship of the earth as female and 
the source of fertility seems in general to have marked the stage 
when the primitive adopted a settled life and entered upon some 
form or other of agricultural activities. A fact recognized generally 
by present-day scholars is not without its significance in this connec- 
tion: among some primitives at least (74), and perhaps among all, 
woman was the pioneer in the cultivation of the soil. 

This worship of the earth as mother, and the practice of group- 
ing deities in pairs; or, on the other hand, the practice of combining 
the two aspects of sex within one deity is observable among primit- 
ives generally. Shiva in the South ig represented in ‘‘his androgyn- 
ous form as Ardhanarisha, with a hermaphrodite body, uniting in 
himse]f the principles of male and female generation’”’ (75). Asan 
example of -deities in pairs, Vishnu has become associated in the 
South with Bhumi-devi (the earth-goddess). All such notions as the 
above were widespread in early times. The common experiences of 
life, such as birth and death, impressed the primitive deeply. To 
all such the really great deity was the one which had to do with 
such experiences, When reflection arises first and seeks to express 
itself in imaginative constructs, the primitive is able to visualize such 
a deity; and to make use of the associated notions in the social 
inheritance, which are connected with the creative functions of the 
female. All] this is within and intimate to his daily experiences. 

However, the earth is not only the common mother of all. 
She is also the receiver of the bodies of the dead. Herein her dar- 
ker and malevolent aspect comes into the foreground. Hence with 
this her fiercer and more terrible characteristics in time become 
greatly elaborated. Birth and fertility, however, continued to mark 
her more gracious aspects. Suchatypeof deity must have appro- 
priated in time the characteristics of many other more local goddess- 
es. Durga is an example of such a goddess. Her non-Sanskrit 
names would seem to indicate the number of local earth-mothers, 


96 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


whose worship she absorbed, such for example a3 Thakur Rani (76). 
Durga becomes a consort of Shiva, who, according to Fraser, was 
originally a deity of the primitive South Dravidian people (77). 
Whitehead refers to the fact (78) thatin the Tanjore District the 
chief goddesses of a large tribe of village deities are seven sisters, 
who are regarded as emanating from Parvati, the wife of Shiva. 

The most important village deities of the masses in the South 
are female. However, these goddesses are not worshipped all the 
year around. They have their special festival days (79). The earth- 
mother among certain Dravidian tribes of Central India (80) has 
her festival occasions at ploughing, sowing and reaping time, which 
are the principal agricultural seasons. An aboriginal priest, called 
‘‘baiga’’, nota Brahman, performs the ceremonies. Mariamma, 
the outstanding village goddess in the Tamil country, has her annual 
festival at the end of harvest and just before the opening of the hot 
Season. These female deities are, for the most part, malevolent, or 
at least have this as one prominent aspect of their characters. In 
the Telugu country the characters of the goddesses are not clearly 
defined, It is quite otherwise, however, in Tamil land. They have 
elaborate stories about their origins and characters (81). Hllamma, 
a mother-goddess of the South Dravidians, is in the form of a snake, 
Her temple is occupied with imagesof snakes. Durga-Amma seems 
to be another form of the same deity. Her temple is built overa 
snake-hole. We are told thatthe term ‘‘amma’’ or ‘‘ammons’’ 
means female, rather than mother (82). In usage, however, the 
meaning appears usually to be the latter. 

The religious practice and notions among the masses of the 
South seem to be saturated with the atmosphere of the soil and of 
agriculture (83). At the festival of Mariamma it is a common pract- 
iceto bury the head of the goat, which has been sacrificed, at the 
place where the fire-stake is located. Is this to re-endow the soil 
with fresh fertility (84) ? We ought to recall that this festival takes 
place at the end of the harvest season. The notion is quite common 
that mother-earth, in bearing successive harvests, becomes exhaust- 
ed. She needs to be re-endowed with fertility and aroused to fresh 
activities so that there may bea new harvest and food. The prim- 
itive Kol women of Chota Nagpur have a ceremonial dance to 
effect this purpose. Inthe dance they kneel and pat the earth, 
presumably with the purpose of coaxing her to become fertile once 
again (85). The Oraons, also a primitive tribe of those areas, have 
asimilar ceremonial dance (86), which they conclude by leaping 
simultaneously into theair. Then they all come down together 
upon the ground with a loud, resounding thud. Then again fertility 
of the soil is also supposed to depend upon the periodic marriage of 
mother-earth to her consort. Sucha ceremony is performed by 
many of the Dravidian tribes, All the non-Brahman agricultural 
castes in the South worship these female deities (87). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 97 


This conception of the mother-goddess seems to be the most 
important element perhaps in the South Dravidian social inherit- 
ance, which has become integrated in the general Hindu religious 
culture. This type of goddess, representing ‘‘the mother-principle 
as the ultimate secret of the universe’ (88), takes her seat finally 
not only among the great deities of the Aryans, and becomes even 
greater than any or all of them, but she is even found in the athe- 
istic Buddhistic religious system. There are those (89), who take 
the position that it is by way of the Buddhistic faith that the Tant- 
ric development in its form as Shakti worship attained its prestige 
and became accepted finally in the Brahman system. It is not 
without significance that the Tantric deities prefer the worship of 
the lower, rather than of the Brahman castes (90). In nota few 
centres of Tantric worship, Durga even is worshipped first by the 
untouchables, and later by the Brahmans. This allis very sug- 
gestive as to the origins and early associations of these goddesses. 
They belong among the common Dravidian folk and not among the 
aristocratic Aryans. 

With the exception already noted above, these village deities 
are worshipped with animal sacrifices. The names of these village 
deities are legion. They differ in almost every district in the Tamil 
and Telugu countries. Inthe former the deities which are daily 
worshipped are more often male. Sometimes these deities represent 
the spirits of ancestors. These in particular may be those who are 
supposed to have done some great good or evil while living, more 
generally the latter. The Tamil country abounds in the worship 
of such male deities (91). Among these there are those, who, like 
Durga to whom reference has been made above, by some means or 
other secured an initial or early advantage and so have absorbed the 
worship of many local deities. By this process of absorption they 
have grown great. The deity Shiva appears to be one of this type. 
Fraser thinks (92) that ‘‘the attributes and rites of this deity were 
gradually brought into conformity, by a process of compromise, with 
those of some Aryan deity or deities’’. He holds that “this was due 
to the necessity under which an invading race lie of compromising 
with the people among whom they make their new home’’, He 
thinks there was a mutual give and take between the two religious 
cultures; both of the languages and religious cultures being enriched 
by the incoming of new terms and new religious conceptions. To 
quote Fraser further, “the attributes of the Dravidian deity Shiva 
were found to be most in conformity with those of the Vedic god 
Rudra’’. The conception thus grew of a half-Dravidian half-Aryan 
deity “Shiva-Rudra, the destroyer of the Universe’. This deity in 
time became the Supreme deity, Shiva, who to-day is worshipped 
in some form or other by the great mass of the Dravidian people. 
The facts certainly incline one strongly to the conviction that the 
origins of Shiva and his worship are to be looked for in the South 


98 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


among the Dravidians, rather than in the North. Very early indeed 
the worship of this deity was widely prevalent inthe South. It 
would appear that this is still the case, in spite of the contrary 
convictions of some scholars (93). 

Regarding the festivals of these South Dravidian village deit- 
ies, there is no uniformity as to time, the duration of the festival, or 
the form of the worship offered (94). They may continue fora 
week. Inthe Tamil country, however, they may continue for a 
fortnight, or even a month. The object in mind is generally to ward 
off calamities from the village, whether from epidemics, or from 
attacks of one or other of the almost countless demons. Practically 
all that is done to effect this latter purpose takes its significance 
from the little universe of magical notions and practice in 
which these villagers live their lives from ‘‘the cradle to the grave’’. 

The shrines of these village deities are simple. More often 
they are even crude (95). In many villages it is nothing more than 
arude stone, or a rough stone platform under a tree, or even in 
the open field. However, in the Tamil country some of the shrines 
are buildings of some permanence and size, ornamented generally 
with grotesque figures. In the Telugu country there is no perman- 
ent shrine. It igs but temporary, made of bamboo and cloth, for 
the use of the deity while the festival is in progress. The symbols 
of the deities are as many and diverse as their names. More often 
it is nothing buta stone pillar, ora rude stone with some marks 
upon it. 

A study of data such as the above impresses one with the lack 
of organization and of the indefiniteness, both as to the notions and 
the technique, connected with the worship of these village deities. It 
is custom which dictates what ought to be done; andthe customary, 
whether as to deities, or as to worship, has arisen out of the impuls- 
es, needs and fears that are elemental in primitive-minded groups. 
Here we see these primal instinctive impulses, needs and fears in 
the raw. Hence the sources of their village deities and the reasons 
for their practices in worship are, for the most part, discernible. 
This lack of organization, whether as to their technique of worship, 
or as to their notions relating to their god-world, reflects the unor- 
ganized character of village-life conditions. Custom alone is king. 
But not infrequently custom conflicts with custom. So out of this 
divided authority more or less of compromise and chaos result; and 
these issue in a corresponding indefiniteness both as to notions re- 
garding deity and as to the proper technique of worship. Earlier 
village worship and its deities were in all probability less organized 
than is discernible to-day among the masses of the South Dravidians. 

When one turns froma study of datasuch as this to that of 
the Kural, one realizes that the world of religious practice and 
thinking, reflected in the latter, is very different indeed from that 
of the village deities, Yet the Kural is called the most characteris- 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 99 


tic, early, literary classic, extant in Tamil (96). It is the great, 
literary and ethical treasure of the South (97), worthy to be class- 
ed with some of thereally great literature of the world. It was 
written by one Tiruvalluvar, a weaver, who lived at St. Thomé, 
near modern Madras (98). Although a non-Brahman, Aiyangar 
thinks he was Brahmanical in religion (99). Weare told that the 
word ‘*‘Kural’’ means short (100). It consists of 1330 short couplets 
of four and three feet respectively, and deals with three subjects: 
righteousness, wealth and love. Aiyangar describes it as a didactic 
work (101). The author’s purpose, he thinks, was “to enforce the 
teachings of ethics, common to all religions then obtaining in India, 
so that whatever might be the actual persuasion, adopted by the 
individual, he would still find a guide for conduct in life in this 
work’’. It is because of this eclectic character that Jains, Vaishnav- 
as, and Shaivas alike have claimed it as a production, written by 
one of their faith. ‘There are those who see in it even an anti- 
Brahman spirit. It is said to have been accepted by the third San- 
gam of Madura (102). This, it is claimed, happened through the 
miraculous intervention of Shiva. This latter is generally a con- 
venient method of giving prestige to something, which, either by 
iis inherent worth has won already in fact a place of honour, or is 
promoted to it by a sectarian or propagandist group. In the first 
alternative a ‘‘miracle’’ authentication saves the face of those who 
hitherto may have been opponents to giving it a place “among the - 
gods’’. Inthe second, it is a cheap sectarian method for giving 
worth and honour to something, that does not possess it inherently, 
However, this latter was certainly not the case with the Kural. It 
is more probable that it won its way upward by its inherent worth; 
and so later by the many ways then possible, such as authentication 
by miracle, it came to be accepted ‘‘among the seats of the mighty’’. 

What isthe age of the Kural ? On this point, Aiyangar, who 
discusses this work at some length (103), is not very clear. This is 
not necessarily due to hig lack of erudition, but more perhaps to the 
inherent difficulties of the materials handled. The marked simil- 
arities between the Kural’s section on life in society and that of 
Kautilya’s Arthashastra, or at least of _Kamandaka’s Niti Shastra, 
which is an abridgement of the latter, leads Aiyangar to the convict- 
ion that the author of the Kural knew Kautilya’s work, and hence 
the former is posterior to the latter. But how much posterior is it ? 
Then there is a collection of poemsin appreciation of the Kural, 
which “is ascribed to the members of the third Tamil Sangam’’. 
One of these members, called Sattanar, actually quotes from the 
Kural, which Aiyangar concludes ‘‘implies that the work had 
already attained to a certain vogue among the learned’’. 
However, there still remain so many unsolved problems, connected 
with this Sangam literature, that one must needs use very cautiously 
many at least of its references for the purpose of fixing dates. Some of 


100 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


the difficulties, which inhere in the Sangam literature, Aiyangar 
has recognized himself in the earlier part of his work (104). 

The Kural as it stands, although written by a non-Brahman, 
is not only aware of the Brahman and his culture as an integral part 
of the group life of the Tamil South, but in addition, if this work 
can be taken to reflect general conditions, it would seem that at 
that time the Brahman occupied a high place, both among the rulers 
and the thoughtful, for his learning and piety. But alas, the person 
with the historical mind cannot rid himself of the haunting fear: 
namely, as tothe extent the Kural, like the North India Epic and 
Puranic material, may have been re-handled in the interest of Brah- 
man prestige and propaganda. What we still seem to need in relat- 
ion tothis work isa real textual and historical criticism of its 
materials. Some of the problems, indicated above, must await 
solution until this preliminary work has been accomplished. 

However, even though there may have been some, subsequent- 
ly added, pious exagg eration to early Tamil literature, such as the 
Kural, and done in the interests of the Brahman and his religious 
culture, yet there is still enough evidence in this same literature 
and in the other available sources of information to promote in one 
the conviction that the Brahman and his culture occupied early an 
honoured place among the rulers of the Tamil kingdoms in the early 
centuries preceding and succeeding the opening of the Christian era. 
The reasons for such a conviction are not a few. In the first place, 
even before the opening of the Christian era the progress in mater- 
ial civilization, already attained in the Tamil country, had been 
such as to remove the rulers, and such court and commercial class- 
es as existed, far from the economic, social and general conditions, 
characteristic of village life. With the organization of kingdoms 
and governmental life the crude, unorganized village-life would 
comport ill with the Tamil rulers in their life of growing luxury 
and magnificence. The early Tamil literature (105) refers to 
Yavana women who ‘‘hand the Pandya ruler western-made wine 
in golden cups’’. These were foreign women, whether Greek, ag 
the word is generally held to mean, or Arabian. Arguments for 
the latter meaning are presented by Aiyangar (106). It seems to 
have become a fashion with the Pandya rulers, as it had also be- 
come among rulers in Western and Upper India, to keep foreigners ag 
their household troops, bodyguards and household servants. In the 
case of this particular Pandya ruler these latter were women. When 
the attitude of a ruler has changed enough to adopt things alien, he 
has travelled along way froma simple village-life outlook, Such 
a settled attitude towards a foreign practice prepares the way and 
makes the mind more hospitable towards the adoption of other 
practices and ideas, foreign in their source. 

_.. In the second place the Vedic religious culture had much more _ 
in common with the dignity and magnificence of rulers than the 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 101 


crude practices in connection with village worship. Vedic culture 
was aristocratic both in its spirit and purpose. Hence it was really 
adapted to the needs of rulers and also of such others as become 
attached to the courts of kings, and who, equally with the former, 
were zealous to establish themselves in aristocratic groups. There 
was a dignity, solemnity, and a magnificence about the Vedic cere- 
monies, especially the great sacrifices, which must have stood out in 
striking contrast tothe wild, crude and orgiastic ceremonies in 
connection with the village cults. Tendencies such as the above 
would be certain to promote the Brahman and his religious culture 
in the courts of the Tamil kings. 

Then again there are two deeply rooted impulses characteristic 
of human nature, which those high placed, such as rulers and others 
in authority, have a large opportunity to indulge: the pursuit and 
cultivation of the mysterious, and the desire to be different from 
others. The mysterious has a great attraction for the human, espec- 
ally the mystery that comes from afar. The impulse to be different 
from others is also strong in human nature, and asserts itself again 
and again in many unexpected ways. Many rulers have continued 
their rule by surrounding themselves with mystery, and by creating 
and: maintaining the impression that they are different from others. 
The trappery and pageantry of royal courts have tended to perpetu- 
ate this fiction. To-day, however, conditions are rapidly changing, 
especially in the West. But even yet these elements of court-life, 
so important for kings in the past, still exercise some such influence, 
as has been indicated. The Vedic culture, with its ceremunies and 
mantras ina foreign tongue, would tend to add to the court ofa 
Tamil king some of the needed element of mystery and distinctive- 
ness, which most kings of old sought to cultivate. One of the 
earliest known Pandyan kings (107) is knownto fame as one who 
celebrated many sacrifices. A Chola king, contemporary of the 
poetess, Avvaiyar, is known by the title of “the Great Chola who 
celebrated the Rajasuya’’ (108). In one of the earliest of the Tamil 
classics (109), which hag been made available only recently, a king 
is described as following the path of the Brahmans. Another king 
of this same dynasty is spoken of as one ‘not knowing obedience 
except to Brahmans’’. Other evidence, which might be cited, 
indicates that the Tamil kings had adopted the practice of getting 
sacrifices celebrated. These were performed by the Brahmans, 

Still further, the Brahman, who brought this Vedic culture 
from the north, was such for the most part that he became recogniz- 
ed early as the model of a wise and virtuous man. This descrip- 
tion, as Aiyangar points out (110), is given by poets who them- 
selves were non-Brahmans. Brahmans are described further as 
those who learn and teach, sacrifice and conduct sacrifices for 
others, receive gifts made to them as well as give gifts to others. 
The Brahman was looked upon as the one who performed the sacri- 


102 - (ULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


fices, which were intended for the good of the community asa 
whole. In both Tamil and Buddhistic tradition (111) there is the 
story of Agastya, the great Brahman ascetic, accompanied by a 
disciple, coming into the South. Aiyangar thinks that this trad- 
ition, connecting Agastya with the South, is of long standing and 
that it symbolizes the “breaking in of Aryan civilization into Tamil 
land’’, Those who came, whether connected with Agastya or not, 
were undoubtedly the more energetic, who were willing to endure 
hardship for the sake of spreading their religious culture. Those 
Brahmans, who were indolent and indifferent, would not be likely 
to have the desire, or the forward-looking spirit to endure the 
dangers of such distant journeyings. This would operate as a sift- 
ing process. Hence and for the most part it would be the nobler 
type among the Brahmans who would be the original carriers of the 
Vedic culture into the South. It is not without significance that 
the disreputable type of Brahman and ascetic does not appear in the 
literature of the South, as is the case in the North (112). This may 
be due in part to the paucity of the extant literature of the South. 
There doubtless were such. But the fact that they did not get into 
the available literature tends to deepen the conviction that the early 
arriving Brahmans in the South were of the finer type. During 
the dominance of Buddhism in the North there were doubtless some 
of Puritan spirit, who rather than give up their Vedic culture and 
Brahman philosophy, were willing to fare forth either on the long 
journey through the deep, vast jungles of Central India, which 
were infested by tigers and many other ferocious animals, or to en- 
dure the perils of pirates and robbers by sea. 


However, great as may have been the initial advantage, into 
such the Brahman culture came in the South, it is difficult, in view 
of the data, to be convinced that in that early time it became integ- 
rated in the social inheritance of the masses, as some hold. At 
best it seems to have exercised a rather profound influence over the 
Tamil kings, the literary and other intellectual groups, which were 
attached to their courts. The masses in the villages, however, must 
have remained largely as they were. Whitehead refers (113) toa 
story in the village folklore. He obtained it through a manu- 
script, written on palm leaves, which was in the possession of a 
village temple ministrant. It reflects, he thinks, the effort of 
the Brahmans to supplant the worship of the village deities by 
the new cults. While this was in process a bad epidemic of small- 
pox or cholera, regarded asa punishment from the old village god- 
dess, Ammavaru (now worshipped as Ankamma), broke out. This 
resulted in a revival of the primitive faith. It is of course difficult 
to know how far back this story goes Whitehead thinks that in 
all probability it preserves a tradition of some early relationship 
between Hinduism and_ the older worship of the village deities. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 103 


We turn now tothe consideration of the Pallavas and the 
great part these rulers played in the development of both Shaivism 
and Vaishnavism. The great renaissance of Brahmanic religion 
and literature, which characterized the Gupta period in the North, 
found its reflex in the South during the age of the Pallavas with 
their center at Kanchi, the modern Conjeeveram. 

Who werethe Pallavas? This topic has received much at- 
tention. Until recently it was held generally that they werea 
tribal group of Persian or Parthian origins, which had secured a 
place for itself, first in the valley of the Indus. Then from there 
it worked its way slowly southward, becoming more and more 
Hinduized as it advanced. Finally it made Kanchi on the Kistna 
the center of its power. A recent article (114) suggests a Sinhalese- 
Tamil origin for the name Pallava; and on the other hand a Sprout 
and a Sinhalese-Naga origin for the dynasty. Aiyangar in an able 
discussion (115), has presented the case fora South India origin: 
an offshoot of the ancient Naga tribal group. Their ancestral home, 
called Tondamandalam, occupied certain of the districts around 
modern Madras. Their rulers, who at first were mere chieftains, 
throughout practically all of their history as a power in the South, 
which lasted from 200 A.D. to almost the close of the ninth cen- 
tury, remained the inveterate enemies of the Tamil kings. Inthe 
latter’s language the term Pallava came to mean ‘‘rogue’’ (116). 
Some Pallavas, who cameto be settled inthe Cholaand Pandya 
kingdoms, were called by a name which meant thieves. With the 
excéption of perhaps one king, Nandi Varman, who belonged in 
the eighth or ninth century, the Pallavas were not patrons of 
Tamil culture (117). 

Hostility also existed between the early Chalukyas and the 
Pallavas. The former, as successors of the Andhras, naturally 
desired to make their rule coterminous with that of the old Andhran 
empire, The latter sought to secure themselves against such aggres- 
sion. It seems that the Pallavas extended their overlordship over 
the Gangasin Mysore. Like the late Andhra kings, the Pallavas 
were patrons of the Northern culture. Until late in the history of 
their dynasty their inscriptions were either in Prakrit or Sanskrit 
(118). Their earliest temples, even those located in caves, were 
devoted exclusively to the worship of Vishnu and Shiva. ‘*Hence’’ 
to quote the words of Aiyangar, ‘‘the advent of the foreign Pallavas 
into the Tamil country not only meant the rule of the foreigner, 
but also carried along with it the special patronage of the culture 
of the North’’, as promoted by them in Sanskrit garb. Kanchi be- 
came such a center of Sanskrit culture that Mayura Sharma of the 
Kadambas found it necessary to go to this center to complete his 
Vedic studies (119). In this connection, Aiyangar presents evidence 
to show that in all probability Dandin and Bharavi were connected 
with this same center. One of the kings, Mahendravarman (some- 


104 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


times Mahendravishnu) has a Sanskrit burlesque, ascribed to him 
(120). Aiyangar thinks that it may be taken not merely as evidence 
of the king’s partiality towards Sanskrit, but the burlesque reflects 
something of religious conditions at that time. He ridicules the 
devotees of various cults. It is said that this king was first of all a 
Jain. Late in his life he is said to have become a Shaiva devotee, 
through the instrumentality of Appar, whose proper name was 
Tirunavukkarasu. He was one of the earliest of the Shaiva singers. 


During this age of the Pallavas both Shaivism and Vaishnav- 
ism, as phases of the bhakti development, took definite shape. Aiyang- 
ar states (121) that the literature in Tamil bearing upon this devel- 
opment comes almost entirely from this period. Of the sixty-three 
early devotees of Shiva one of the earliest is the Chola king, Ko-Chen- 
gan, whom Aiyangar thinks must have followed the Sangam period 
very closely. All these devotees, he thinks (122), belong within 
the Pallavaage. The earliest of them may reach back to the begin- 
ning of that time, while the latest belong not many generations after 
the fall of the Pallavas. Aiyangar places the Chola ruler Ko-Chen- 
gan in the early period of this age, Appar and Sambandar, to whom 
reference has already be made, in the seventh century, and the third 
group contains Sundaramurti, who comes inthe early part of the 
ninth century. These latter three are recognized as the leaders of 
the bhakti development, as represented by the sixty-three devotees 
of Shiva. The oldest, Appar, left an orphan at an early age (123), 
was brought up by an elder sister as a devotee of Shiva. Later he 
forsook the faith of his ancestors and became a Jain. Later, however 
he returned to his ancestral faith, His younger contemporary, 
Sambandar, was born of a devout Shaiva, whose name means that his 
heart was laid at Shiva’s feet. Helivedin a town in-the Tanjore 
District. His son grew up and becamea pilgrim poet. He called 
his elder contemporary, Appar, which means ‘‘father’’. Sometimes 
with the latter and at other times alone, he wandered from temple to 
temple of Shiva throughout the Tamil country, singing the praises 
of his chosen deity. It is said (124) that in the early part of the 
seventh century the Shaiva faith was in eclipse, being overshadowed 
in the Tamil country by both Jainism and Buddhism, It suffered 
an even greater blow when the king of Madura of that time, along 
with many of his subjects, became Jains. However, from Samband- 
ar’s hymns we learn that the queen and her prime minister remain- 
ed faithful to Shiva. They called for Sambandar, who in the 
royal presence in court, and with many Jains about him, overcame 
the Jatter in argument. Asa result the king returned to his former 
faith. The sequel, according to tradition and which Aiyangar 
questions, is that with the consent of this Shaivasaint theking impaled 
some eight thousand stubborn Jains, who would not renounce their 
faith. This saint is connected with a similar experience in which 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 105 


it is said he converted a crowd of Buddhists to Shaivism. What- 
ever residuum of truth there may be in these traditions they at least 
bear witness to the fact that these stories arose out ofa social 
situation in which there was a struggle going on among these faiths 
in the Tamil country. It is said that this Shaiva saint is known to 
posterity as one of those who helped to sing Buddhism out of South 
India. The third, Sundaramurti, called also Sundarar, a Brahman, 
was born in the South Arcot District. He had two wives. Neither 
was a Brahman. Hence he must have been rather indiff- 
erent about caste regulations. One of them wasa dancing girl in 
the Shaiva temple at Tiruvarur in Tanjore District. The other was 
a Velala woman froma suburb of Madras. One reason for consid- 
ering this Shaiva saint as the last of the sixty-three, is the fact that 
he sang the praises of the other sixty-two. Their hymns in praise 
of Shiva, sung by these three saints, were collected by Nambi Andar 
Nambi, who lived in the eleventh century. They are called Devar- 
am (Tevaram in Tamil), the first collection of works recognized as 
canonical by the Tamil Shaivas. 

Aiyangar calls attention to the fact that some have held that 
Shaivism had South India’s allegiance first. Later Vaishnavism 
came as an interloper and an imitator of the older faith and there- 
by won for itself ‘‘a place inthe sun’’. This author in one of his 
earlier works (125), maintains that the early literature does not 
confirm such a judgment. In the age of the Pallavas, which 
follows closely the period of the Sangam, these two developments 
of Hinduism flourished side by side inthe South. Mahendravarman, 
to whom reference has been made already, built temples to both 
Vishnu and Shiva (126). In geveral of his cave shrines all the 
three great Hindu deities: Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva, receive equal 
honour. In this writer’s most recent work (127), he presents evid- 
ence to show that ‘‘almost at the beginning cf the Christian era the 
features of northern Vaishnavism in all its variety were prevalent 
inthe South’’. Oneof the oldest South India shrines (128) is 
dedicated to Krishna worship. Kaveripattanam, which was the 
capital of the Cholas in the firgt century of the Christian era, .con- 
tains among its early temples those which are dedicated to Krishna 
and Baladeva. Similar temples are found in Madura also where 
these deities are associated with Shiva and Subrahmanya. These 
four deities are the ones, mentioned by Narkirar, who is reputed to 
have been the president of the third Sangam of Madura. Further- 
more Aiyangar, in an earlier volume (129), states that there isample 
evidence concerning Rama’sbeing identified with Vishnu, even by 
the earliest of the Alvars. Kulusekhara, who was one of them, has a 
summary of the Ramayana. 

These Alvars, reputed to have been twelve in number, were to 
the revival of Vaishnavism in the South what the Adiyars were 
to Shaivism. They were poet-saints. The term ‘‘Alvar’’, so Radha- 


106 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


krishnan informs us (130), means “immersed in deity’’, which in 
their case meant Vishnu, or one of his incarnations. The greatest 
of these, Nam-Alvar by name, wasa Shudra. According to Ai- 
yangar (131), the age of the Alvars and their activities extend from 
about 200 to 800 A. D. It will be seen that they were practically 
contemporaneous with the Adiyars of Shaivism. Their manner of 
worship seems to have been practically identical with the latter: a 
fervent devotion, rising often tothe intensity of frenzy, as they 
danced and sang before the image of their deity. They are divided 
according to time into three groups: the early, the middle, and the 
later. Poygai-Alvar, who is reputed to belong tothe first group, 
Aiyangar thinks is connected with the early Tondaman chieftain © 
of Kanchi, who lived about the same time as the great Chola king, 
Karikala, who, according to Rapson’s statement (132), must have 
flourished about the close of the first century A. D., or in the earlier 
part of the next century. Two others of the first group are also 
connected with Kanchi. Bhaktisara, it is held by Aiyangar, shows 
in his stanzas, written in praise of Vishnu, unmistakable evidence 
of an acquaintance with Sanskrit literature of the time. Nam-Alvar 
belongs in the middle group. It is he, who is regarded as the out- 
standing one among the early Vaishnava devotees, This estimate 
relates both to the character of his teaching and to the volume of 
his hymn production. His date has occasioned a good deal of 
discussion. Some scholars would place him last of all. Aiyangar 
has presented arguments (133), giving him an earlier date. Accord- 
ing to tradition, his teaching was taken down by another. His 
collection of hymns is called Tiruvaymoli, which may be rendered 
literally as ‘‘the word of the mouth’, Aiyangar holds (134) that 
this refers to the Vedas, which are supposed to have emanated 
originally by word of mouth from Vishnu. These hymns in praise 
of Vishnu and his incarnations became incorporated in a collect- 
ion known as “Prabandham, Four Thousand’’, These Prabandhas 
are the Vaishnava Vedas. Among these the teaching of Nam-Alvar 
is the most highly revered. In their teaching two features stand 
out prominently: first, the way of bhakti is open to all, and 
second the necessity of a guru, if one would be sure about attaining 
salvation. ‘This last feature seems to have become associated with 
the name of Nam-Alvar. It is not improbable, as Aiyangar points 
out, that earlier than this there were those who performed such 
functions. However, it was not until this phase of the Vaishnava 
development arose that the guru idea emerged into prominence, 
This same type of development takes place in Shaivism in the cage 
of Mannika-Vasahar, to whom reference will be made later. 

In the development of bhakti the emergence of the practice 
and later the conception and recognized function of the guru is 
inevitable. At first bhakti was simple. But withits growth new 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 107 


elements and alien accretions from other faiths would become attach- 
ed to it. Then the necessity for the systematizing of its technique 
of worship, as well asits thinking would arise. Hence the necess- 
ity would then arise for a special class to guide in all such matters. 
In time upon this guide would fall the responsibility of seeing that 
all his disciples attained the salvation they sought. Then, by easy 
stages of practice and thinking, the attitude of self-surrender to the 
guru as well as to the chosen deity would in time arise and become 
a recognized part of the cult. Thisis just what happened, and 
among the Vaishnavas this guru came to bear the name of Acharya, 
to which added reference will be madein the following chapter. 
In course of time Kulasekhara, aking of Travancore, and five 
others follow Nam-Alvar in succession. Aiyangar presents argu- 
ments (135) to show that he ought to be placed at the opening of the 
tenth century, rather than as late as the middle of the twelfth cent- 
ury, according to Bhandarkar (186). The tradition is: that early in 
his career as ruler he became attached to the Vaishnava school of 
bhakti and was especially interested in having the Ramayana read 
to him (137). Tirumangai-Alvar, the last of the Aivars, was, 
according to tradition, an important officer in the Chola kingdom. 
We aretold that he sought to establish an annual festival at Shri- 
rangam where the people might recite the works of Nam-Alvar. 
However, if we can trust the tradition, he was not successful. The 
works of this great Alvar seem to have been forgotten, until later 
they were revived by the first of the Acharyas. 

It isa matter of no small significance that Shankaracharya 
belongs in the last third of the Adiyar and Alvar period. His date 
has been hitherto the occasion of much controversy. However, the 
time of his activity is now placed in the first half of the ninth 
century. In North Travancore at Kaladi in the year 788 A. D. this 
great Vedantic scholar saw the light. After becoming a sannyasi he 
assumed the name of Shankara. In orderto appraise properly his 
work andthe extent of his influence in moulding the thinking of 
later Hinduism it is necessary to turn back and refer to the Vedanta 
Sutras. 

This body of Vedantic literature is also called the Brahma and 
the Shariraka Sutras. They are attributed to Badarayana. But in 
reality they represent a long series of attempts to set forth the 
philosophy of the Upanishads. Thibaut has called attention to the 
names of seven others, mentioned inthe Sutras (138). Although 
the time at which they were put together cannot be stated with 
certainty, yet itis generally recognized as sometime prior to the 
Second century B.C. According to Thibaut they combine two tasks 
(139): first that of stating concisely the doctrine of the Upanishads, 
and secondly of argumentatively establishing that interpretation of 
the Veda, which has been adopted in this body of literature. How- 
ever, like the Sutra type, these laconic phrases have produced a 


108 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


great crop of commentaries with varying interpretations, with the 
result, as pointedly stated by Urquhart (140), that this ‘‘brevity has 
brought about the surrender of the Sutras into the hands of the 
commentators......... so the emphasis gets shifted to the latter’. 

Although many commentaries were written upon these Sutras 
before the time of Shankara, yet his is the oldest extant. Farqu- 
har, moreover, calls attention to the fact (141) that previous to 
Badarayana’s day there existed at least three distinct views of the 
relation of the individual soul to Brahman, which had found ex- 
pression; and which later were incorporated in commentaries on the 
Sutras. Urquhart traces historical connection between Shankara 
andthe Mandukya Upanishad (142). Gaudapada, the reputed 
author of the appendix to this Upanishad, which is called Manduk- 
ya Karika, was the teacher of Shankara’s teacher, whom his pupil 
describes as ‘‘a teacher knowing the true tradition of the Vedanta’’. 
According to Shankara the Sutras teach that Brahman is the only 
reality, absolute unity, devoid of all differences and qualifications. 
Hence the practice of ascribing qualities to Him is an illusion, as 
is also all phenomena. The only true knowledge, and it is this, 
which according to Shankara, brings salvation, is that which rises 
above all multiplicity and qualifications to the undifferentiated 
unity. This is the sole reality both of knower and known. Hence 
in Shankara we have unqualified monism, which is called advaita. 
However, it is felt that his position is nearer to the Upanishads 
than to the Sutras of Badarayana (143). 

He produced commentaries on the Gita and on the principal 
Upanishads. Many other works also have been ascribed to him 
(144). His influence was very great in his own lifetime, and has 
continued so down tothe present. He travelled widely through- 
out India and carried on many controversies. He is said to have 
reorganized the Vedanta ascetic orders into ten groups, whom he 
found in grave disorder. This is in keeping with the claims of the 
Dasnamis of to-day. However, his influence seems to have reach- 
ed beyond the orthodox circles (145). 

The highly emotional worship of the Shaiva and Vaishnava 
saints, which had begun to bear the marks of a poptlar movement, 
was at the other extreme from the cold intellectualism of the great 
Vedantic philosopher. It would not be surprising, did we but poss- 
ess the facts, to discover that the new phase in the bhakti develop- 
ment, with its outstanding emphasis on personal deity, was in no 
Small measure a vigorous reaction to the growing intellectualization 
of Hinduism through the development of Vedantic thought, which 
had been going forward for sometime, and which at that time had 
found in Shankara a great new exponent. It would seem, however, 
as though Shankara’s widespread popularity and influence would 
indicate that his system of thinking really met a need in many 
widely separated groups among his countrymen. But to the rank 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 109 


and file as well as to many of the intellectually inclined a dis- 
tant and de-personalized deity could not satisfy human needs. 
We have already seen this in the religious development in an earlier 
period in the North, which has been traced already. If more liter-’ 
ary documents of the South were extant and available so that we 
could find our way back into the social situation and into more of 
the social inheritance of the period we are now discussing, we should 
find inall probability that there ~wasa distinct relation of action 
and reaction between the Vedantic development, which headed up 
in Shankara, and the seemingly more popular religious movement 
represented by the Shaiva and Vaishnava poet-saints. .Both 
belonged in the same areas as well as in the same period. More- 
over the observation of Dr. Urquhart regarding the relationship 
of these two developments encourages one in the conviction just 
stated. ‘‘The Vedantic philosophy’’, he states (146), “consisted in 
turning away from ordinary experience...and resulted in a view 
of life which emptied our ordinary occupations of their importance. 
It thus failed entirely to satisfy the masses. It was inevitable, 
therefore, that there should be a reaction in favour of a more emo- 
tional religion...and we might say that the intellectual and abstract 
type of religion failed to satisfy a large part of human nature, and, 
therefore, an emotional grew up along side of it and persisted, not 
so much in spite of it as because of it...... the way was clear for 
the overflow and expression of the warm feeling native in the 
bhakti religions. Pantheistic abstraction had dismissed the claims 
of personality, but these were emphasized again in the various 
devotions of polytheism, which peopled the empty world with in- 
numerable creations of fancy’. And again (147), ‘the effect of 
the Vedantic conception of ordinary experience is to diminish the 
reality and therefore the importance of this experience,...... the 
phenomenal becomes a matter of indifference, and the imagination 
may runriot within it and invent any number of gods under the 
influence of emotional fervour. The content of belief ceases to be 
normative and the whole stressis laid upon the subjective and 
emotional attitude. The intensity of feeling becomes all-import- 
ant, and the worshipper may develop unrestrained the resources of 
feeling, allowing free play to the admittedly vivifying influence of 
the feeling upon imagination’’. 

The hymns of both the Shaiva and Vaishnava saints of this 
period under review are filled with expressions indicative of this 
unrestrained emotional fervour. Tears flow as the devotee gazes 
upon the image of his chosen deity. He may fall upon his face on 
the floor of the temple in sheer rapture from beholding before 
him the eyes of his chosen deity. Mannika-Vasahar attached so 
much importance to this wild, unrestrained emotion in worship 
that upon one occasion his worst self-reproach was this: there was 
no frenzy in his emotion as he bowed before the image of Shiva. 


110 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


It is not without significance that the hymns of this writer exhibit 
a dislike for Vedantic thought, which, as Farquhar observes, must 
mean Shankara’s Mayavada. To the Shaiva singer, deity was vivid- 
ly personal. How would it be possible for him to have anything 
else but a dislike for Shankara’s unqualified monism ? 


Thig particular Shaiva saint was their greatest. His date still 
remains somewhat uncertain. However, most scholars place him 
either in the ninth century, or inthe early part of the tenth, mak- 
ing him thereby almost a contemporary of Shankara (148). He 
was a man of parts, enjoying the position of minister toa Pandya 
king. There isa tradition that his royal master sent him to make 
large purchases of horses for cavalry purposes. However, on the 
way to discharge his commission he met up with a party of Shaiva 
devotees, He felt the call so deeply to become one of them that he 
forthwith forsook his king’s charge, spending the money given him 
in acts of devotion and charity. For this he received severe punish- 
ment from the king. However, later he was allowed to go free 
and follow his life-choice. After visiting some of the most import- 
ant Shaiva temples, he gettled in Chidambaram for a time, where, 
it is said, he overcame in controversy a large body of Buddhists, 
who had come from Ceylon (149). His poems (150), we are told, 
mark him as a man of culture, and one ‘‘who entered fully into the 
heritage of the work of those who preceded him’’. He laid under 
tribute not only his own Tamil literature, the local colouring and 
customs of Tamil land, but also the Epic, Puranic and Agamic 
literary materials. He used this all to work up the mass of legend- 
ary material, connected with his chosen deity. This deity, as pic- 
tured and visualized by his worshippers, has a humanform. ‘One 
of his most favourite manifestations in the South is that of Nata- 
raja, the dancer, in the great hall at Chidambaram’’ (151). He is 
represented in the act of dancing with his right foot on a demon, 
called Muyalahan, This feature of the deity has a history, did we 
but know it. It would not be surprising to learn that it has histori- 
cal connections with someone or other of the wild, ceremonial danc- 
es of the village cults. Shiva in the attitude of a dancer must have 
been highly suggestive to those early devotees. It is not surpris- 
ing, therefore, to find that their worship consisted of dancing, as 
well as singing, before the images and shrines of their chosen deity. 
The Alvarg also followed this practice. 


The hymns of Mannika-Vasahar, which are known as the | 
Tiruvachakam, or “Sacred Utterance’’, while they partake of the 
Same general nature as those of the Devaram, yet occupy a much 
more intimate place in the affections and reverence of the Tamil 
people, than the latter. We aretold (152), that the charm of all 
these hymns ‘‘depends upon assonance, play upon words, close 
knitting of-word with word, upon intricacy of metre and rhyme, 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 111 


almost as much as upon substance’. In making an appeal 
‘‘straight to the heart’’ (153), the work of Mannika-Vasahar “excels 
all others both in form and in feeling’’. 

Another important related fact ought to be mentioned: this 
Pallave age wasatime when a great many temples were built in 
the South. Aiyangar considers it possible (154) to trace to this 
period the history of not a few of the great temples in the Tamil 
country. The Shaiva temples especially are associated with the 
name of the Chola king, Ko-Chengan. He built temples to Vishnu 
also. This great interest in temple building, which marked this 
-age, is but one of the evidences of its remarkable religious unrest 
and awakening. 

The origins of the image and temple-worship is a most inter- 
esting question, which is still dark with many problems. Are thege 
origins Dravidian (155), as Farquhar affirms in an interesting and 
suggestive note, or are they from outside India ? In an early Roman 
road-map there is reference toa Roman temple to Augustus at 
Muziris, one of the famous trading-ports of the Chera kingdom at 
the opening of the Christian era. We have seen already that the 
Tamil rulers in the early Christian centuries adopted other practic- 
es from the West. Did they copy the West inthis matter also? 
They as well asthe Pallavas were great temple builders. It is 
stated (156) that pre-Buddhistic India has no trace of temples. In 
fact it is not until the time of the Epics and Sutras that we meet 
with image and temple-worship in Hindu literature (157). It is 
in association with Buddhistic religious practice that we find the 
earliest religious edifices. These, however, are not used to house 
images, but rather to care for some Buddhist relic, Did Buddh-: 
ism bring this practice from the South, whither it went early, or did 
it come in from the north-west through Greek influence and the 
Gandhara art development ? More data must become available 
before a matured judgment can be offered to such questions. ‘This 
much at least is quite clear that the origins are non-Aryan. Un- 
mistakable evidence to this is discoverable in the Brahman literat- 
ure. For example, a fact to which Dr. Farquhar makes reference 
(158): side by side with detailed instructions for the performance 
of the sacrificial ritual, which are given in the Kalpasutras, there 
is nothing with reference to the conduct of temple worship. Then 
again at a later time when the sectarian development began it was 
counted unorthodox to worship either Vishnu or Shiva by means 
of image, or temple. All this points unmistakably to non-Aryan 
origins for the beginnings of this religious technique. 

This temple-and-image development was undoubtedly a very 
influential factor in promoting the great religious quickening of 
this time. Temple worship, moreover, tends to become congre- 
gational, especially on the great festival occasions. At this time 
the South, especially Tamil land, had a great company of itinerant 


112 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Vaishnava and Shaiva poet-singers, who make the temples of their 
deities resonant with music and song in their own vernacular. 
Great crowds in the act of worship beforea temple, or image of 
their deity are highly suggestible, and never more so than when 
the great acts of their habituated worship are being performed by 
leaders with rhythmical singing, music and dancing with a ‘‘fine 
frenzy rolling’’. Itis really hard to overestimate the importance 
of this feature of the South India temple worship in preparing the 
way for Ramanuja and the long line of bhakti leaders who followed 
him. Out of highly intensified emotional situations, such as these, 
arose the new development in bhakti. 

In concluding this very cursory survey of the earlier portion 
(the latter portion will be the principal concern of the chapter 
following) of South India’s share in later phases of the bhakti 
development, which brings us down tothe close of the Pallava 
period, it becomes necessary to set down in summary at least the ~ 
principal conclusions, which have come from a study of the data 
of this chapter. While it has been confessedly difficult, for reasons 
already indicated, to reach back behind the literary documents 
and inscriptional material in order to lay hold of the salient feat- 
ures, both of the early indigenous inheritance and of the modifica- 
tions which came to the latter through the incoming of the religi- 
ous culture from the North, yet it would appear that some, certain 
general statements may be set down witha high degree of assur- 
ance that they indicate the more important facts in the early religi- 
ous development in the South. 

In the first place the early, indigenous, religious culture of 
the village-cult-stage in the South was much more intimately con- 
nected with the soil and agriculture, than was the case with the 
early Vedic of the North. The fundamental structure of the lat- 
ter’s early religious culture seems to have taken shape and hard- 
ened into considerable rigidity while domestic animals, rather than 
the soil and agriculture, were focal as the principal source of their 
food-supply. The early, Vedic, religious culture bears marks of 
being the culture of a people, who were ‘on the march’’, with no 
certain dwelling-place, or in other words at the shepherd-stage of 
general culture. Whereas the early, indigenous, religious culture 
of the South is characteristic of a people, settled, rather than 
wandering, and alsoin the agricultural-stage of general culture. 
It is not without significance that the South Dravidians had no 
hereditary priesthood. A priesthood that becomes hereditary tends 
early to cause crystallization and rigidity ina religious culture at’ 
an early stage. This crystallization and rigidity are increased 
greatly when a people, like the Aryans, migrate with their priest- 
hood and religious culture into a foreign land where they are great- 
ly outnumbered by others, in a different stage of culture and pos- 
sessing another religion, The religious culture, carried from the 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 113 


distant father-land, and especially when promoted by an hereditary 
priesthood, takes on a much more rigid “set’’ in the social inherit- 
ance than would be the case otherwise. Circumstances, such as 
these, tend to givea peoplea religious culture, which in its fund- 
amental structure bears the marks of a more primitive- Stage of gene- 
ral culture, which they have long since Snietow.n in practically 
all phases of their general culture. 

Since the soil and agriculture are central in the South India 
village-cult, the second important feature is, aS we might expect, 
the earth-mother, She, with all the related religious technique 
and notions concerning fertility and the generation of new life and 
anew food-supply, is much more prominent in the village-cult of 
the South than in the early, Vedie culture. This feature appears 
to have come into the Northern culture much later, At least it is 
much later before it gets into the literature (159). Itis difficult 
to state what part, if any, the Northern aborigines played in integ- 
rating the earth-mother cult in the Aryan, religious culture. The 
worship of the earth as mother was-certainly current among the 
former in North Indiain earlier time, as it is to-day (160). It is 
more probable, however, that the greater influence in this process 
of integration camefrom the South. The latter Dravidians had 
reached a higher stage of culture when they came into contact 
with the Aryans, than was the case with those of the North, for 
reasons which have been indicated in a previous chapter (161). 
Moreover the Tantric elements, which grew out of the earth-mother 
cult, came into Hinduism quite late, ata time contemporaneous 
with the great religious awakening, which followed upon the work 
of the Adiyars and Alvars of the South. It is highly probable, as 
stated already, that this integration came by way of Buddhism. 
This earth-mother worship is of sucha character that it lends it- 
self toa highly emotional development with certain erotic ele- 
ments. The bhakti attitude, directed even towards a male deity, 
tends to pass over into the erotic when it reaches a certain intensity 
of fervour. Notafew of the hymns of the Adiyars and Alvars, 
both in their phraseology and inthe attitudes towards deity of 
which they are expressive, bear marks that are distinctly erotic 
in character. This attitude of fervent devotion, which arose out 
of the religious quickening and inspiration fostered by the methods 
of worship of these poet-singers, created the religious atmosphere 
out of which such a work as the Bhagavata Purana arose. 

This all leads naturally toathird important feature of the 
religious development in the South: the great popularity of temple- 
worship. This is an outstanding characteristic of its early develop- 
ment, The temples of the South have architectural characteristics, 
which make them quite distinct from those of the North. This 
would seem to indicate that this development is independent of the 
latter. Moreover there are characteristics of the worship also which 


114 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


seem to point to separate origins. For example, personal worship 
ig permitted in the temples in the North, whereas it is not in the 
South (162). Does this not go to show that temple-worship in the 
North was a late arrival, whereas in the South it took its begin- 
nings at a much earlier stage in the history of its religious develop- 
ment ? Farquhar, in his suggestive note, referred to above, remarks 
that the cult of the early Aryan ‘‘consisted of the sacrifices, and 
these were private and personal, and were carried on withina 
man’s house, or domains, or wherever the performance was desir- 
able’. The temple-worship tends to become congregational and 
hence more attractive than the gacrificial cult. Hence the former 
grows in later Hinduism at the expense of the latter. In the per- 
mission extended tothe individual worshipper in the temple-wor- 
ship in the North do we not see a compromise between the old and 
deeply rooted individualistic sacrificial cult-worship and the later 
arriving temple-worship with its congregational tendencies ? Avail- 
able data are not sufficient for one to be sure about such a ques- 
tion, but there are certainly grounds for making such a suggestion 
as to what probably took place. This, however, is clear: that tem- 
ple-worship was one of the characteristic religious developments 
of the South. A much more careful study of the whole temple 
development in India, than has hitherto been undertaken, is neces- 
sary before one can be sure how much of the later temple-worship 
development in the North is due to influences emanating from the 
South India temple-worship, which marked the Tamil and Pallava 
ages. | 

These three features, stated above, seem to have been the 
outstanding characteristics of the indigenous religious culture of 
the South. They all, whether taken separately, or together are 
such inherently as would give rise to a warm emotional worship, 
and would both create and foster an atmosphere productive of a 
bhakti attitude of the highly emotional type. 

It becomes necessary now to indicate in general at least the 
modifications, which came to this indigenous culture through the 
incoming of the Aryan type from the North. In the first place the 
influence of Jainism and Buddhism has reached out into the vill- 
age-cult in the Tamil country, where a certain prominent village 
deity is no longer worshipped with animal sacrifices (163). It is 
true that we cannot state how early or late this modification began. 
Nevertheless it isat least a result of the “ahimsa’’ attitudes and 
notions becoming integrated in the social inheritance of the Tamil 
South. However, it would appear that on the whole the Aryan 
culture did not exercise any outstanding influence upon the village- 
cults. Even down to the present they seem to have continued largely 
as they have been for many centuries. 

However, with what one might call the cultural classes, such 
as the rulers, the wise men, called “arivars’’, and the land-owning 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 115 


class (164), the influence of the Northern culture, even preceding 
the age of the Pallavas, must have been profound. Moreover this 
influence, especially of the Brahman, seems to have been greater 
in proportion to the degree of existing, indigenous culture. ‘Tamil 
land had an indigenous culture of an antiquity higher than that 
of the others, and it is clearly in these areas where the early influ- 
ence of Aryan culture was most potent, especially the Brahman 
phase of it. The Brahman especially seems to have been the organ- 
izer of the literature and religious culture of the Tamil country. 
In fact the Brahman religious culture had much more in common 
with the indigenous religious culture, than was the case with the 
other two alien faiths. Furthermore, the Brahman culture, with 
its aristocratic spirit and purpose, lent itself more to the dignity and 
ambitions of kings, than was the case with the former. Again the 
Brahman’s learning and piety were such that very early indeed he 
found an honoured place, both in the councils of kings and among 
the wise. Itis highly probable, even though it is difficult to lay 
one’s hands on specific proof, that all three phases of Aryan religi- 
ous culture from the North had much to do with the growing in- 
tellectualization of religion inthe South, which grew apace with 
the Vedantic development, and headed up towards the close of this 
period in the great Shankaracharya. Data sufficient are not avail- 
able to enable us to know how influential and dominating this 
type of religious development became at this time in the Tamil 
country. However, social psychology and sociology would suggest 
the high probability of some connection between this type of religi- 
ous development, promoted by Shankara, and that of the poet-sing- 
ers: the one being a reaction to the other. This is about as far as 
one may go with safety in view of the paucity of data which are 
able to assist one in reconstructing imaginatively the background 
of social inheritance and social situations behind the extant docu- 
ments. We turn now to consider the principal religious Jeaders 
and literature, which arose out of this surcharged bhakti atmosphere. 


116 


Lad, 
(2). 
(3). 


(4) 


(5). 


(6) 


UEP 


(8). 
(9). 
(10). 
(11). 
(12). 
(13). 


(14). 


(15). 


(16). 
(17). 


(18). 
(19). 
(20). 
(21). 
(22). 
(23). 
(24). 
(25). 
(26). 
(27). 
(28). 
(29). 
(30). 
(31). 
(32). 
(33). 
(34). 
(35). 
(36). 
(37), 
(38), 
(39). 


. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


REFERENCE NOTES, 
Bhagavata Mahatmya, I, 27;J. R. A. S. (1911), p. 800. 
Bhagavata Purana, XI. 5, 38-40. 
Aiyangar, Early Hist. Vaishnavism in South India, p, 11. 
Rapson, Cambridge Hist. India (1), p. 593. 
Farquhar, Outline Relgs. Lit, India, pp. 229-32. 
Indian Antiquary. (Feb. 1924), p. 32. 


Risley, Peoples of India, p. 43; Fraser, E. R. E. (V), p. 21; Ency. Brit. 
(VIli), b. 551. 


Rapson, ibid., p. 593f. 
E. R. E. (V), p. 21. 
Indian Antiquary (I), (1872), p. 310. 
> * (XLI), (1912), p. 227ff. 
BRS A VL) Doe 
Ency. Brit.( VOI), p.oSt. 
an + (X XVI), p. 389, 


Rawlinson, India and the Western World, Chaps, VI, VII; Rapson, ibid. 


p. 211ff; Aiyangar, Some Contributions of South India to Indian 
Culture, Chap. XVIII. 


Aiyangar, ibid., p. 7; Rapson, ibid., pp. 478, 423. 
R, V., I. 116.3; Mahavamsa (Trans. Turnour), Chap. VI; Sankha 
Jataka (Cambridge edition), VI. 15; Mukerji, Indian Shipping, Chap III. 
Rawlinson, ibid., p. 106, Note 8. 
i Ie ew PALeP 
Ptolemy, Guide to Geography, Prol. I. 17. 
Rice, Kanarese Literature, p. 15. 
i. se + p. 13. 
Mysore Gazetteer (1), p. 491. 
Rice ibid., p. 15. 
ee Pe aks 
ees | p10, 
Ency. Brit. (X XVI), p. 389. 
ke VELL) eos; 
Aiyangar, ibid., p. 15ff. 
‘ pe ee 
Bombay Gazetteer (I), pt. ii, p. 141. 
E..ReE A a. 7B. 
Imperial Gazetteer (I), p. 351f. 
Rapson, ibid., p 57. 
Campbell, Religion in Greek Literature (1898), p. 46. 
Aiyangar, ibid. 
Aiyangar, ibid., p. 9. 
- Meth wei- bt p 
FP iy DMS: 


(40). 
(41). 
(42). 
(43). 
(44), 
(45). 
(46). 
(47). 
(48), 
(49). 
(50). 
fS¥); 
(52). 
(53). 
(54). 
(55). 
(56). 
(57). 
(58). 
(59). 
(60). 
(61). 
(62). 


(63). 
(64). 
(65). 
(66). 
(67). 
(68). 
(69). 
(70). 
(71). 


€@2): 
(73), 
(74). 
(75). 


(76). 
(77). 
(78). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 117 


Aiyangar, ibid., p. 29ff. 
BRO BCV pi 2a; 
Aiyangar, ibid., p, 68ff. 
Rapson, ibid., pp. 284, 315. 
, Ag? ae eee 
V. Smith, Oxford Hist. India, p. 95. 
ie Asoka, p. 4. 
Rapson, ibid , p. 534. 


e » p. 525. 
s cael Parte 
e lig Hatt OF 
y Pays Se So 


Imperial Gazetteer (11), p. 326, 
Rapson, ibid., p. 599. 

Breasted, Ancient Times, p. 92. 

Arch. Survey Western India (IV), p 98, 
Cambridge Hist. India (1), p. 531. 
Ency. Brit. (IV), p. 188. 

Imperial Gazetteer (II), p. 324. 
Rapson, ibid., p. 223, 


Buhler, Arch. Survey West. India (V), p. 60ff. 
V. Smith, Oxford Hist. India, p. 119. 


Whitehead, Village Gods of South India, p. 11f; Imper. Gazetteer (II), 
p. 322, 


Imperial Gazetteer (II), p, 322. 

Introductory, p. 5. 

Imperial Gazetteer (II), p. 322f. 

Caldwell, A Comparative Dravidian Grammar, pp. 118, 580f. 
Whitehead, ibid., p. 36, 


" yp. 5, 
re) » 2p. 18. 
” ‘ pp. 18, 43. 


Harrison, Prol. to Greek Religion (1903), pp. 261, 499; Risley-Gait, 
Census Report (I), p. 448. 


E.R. E. (V), p. 4. 
Primitive Culture (I), p 326. 
Breasted, ibid. p. 22ff. 
E.R. E. (V), p.5; Kingsbury and Phillips, Hymns of Tamil Saivite 
Saints, p. 13. 
“Our great one, who is lord and lady too” 
E.R. EB. (V), p. 118. 
Poka.s CV), ps.22. 
Whitehead, ibid., p. 123f,. 


118 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


(79). Indian Interpreter (Jan. 1917), p. 165. 
(80) BRS SV), (p. 0: 

(81), Whitehead, ibid., p. 31. 

(82). Indian Interpreter (Jan. 1917), p, 165. 
(Syne ae . > 5 p. 165. 
(Saou ae H 7 p. 165. 
(85). E.R. E. (V), p. 4. 
(8G). Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, pp. 198,255 
(87). Indian Interpreter (Jan. 1917), p. 165. 


(88). - (Jul. 1914), p. 52. 
(89). M. H. Sastri, Modern Buddhism, p. 27. 
(90). ) Dime 


(91). Indian Titeraretery ai 1917) GO: 
(92) aya sent. GV), sDete es 
(93). Imperial Gaz. (II), p. 822f. 
(94). Whitehead, ibid., p. 45. 
(95). ~ (Peal. 0, 
(96). Aiyangar, ibid., p. 122. 
(97). V. Smith, Oxford Hist. India, p. 144. 
(98) SRR OV ere. 
(99). Aiyangar, ibid., p. 131. 
(100). ys io Sepa: 
(101). % Oe es 
(10297, HRB epee. 
(103). Aiyangar, ibid., p. 122ff. 


(104). ; ye ce ghee a EiE 
(105). i 5 p. 330. 
(106). z5 Sia Deel 
(107). ¢ 3 p. 53. 
(108). a Seek ar 
(109). » ae tn 45: 
(110). . tien no Ltt 


(111). . ae p. 45. 

(112). Maitri Upanishad, VII. 8; Mahavagga, I. 25. 2 (S. B. E, XIII). 
‘Behave (improperly) like Brahmans at the dinners, given to them.”’ 

(113). Whitehead, ibid., p. 127. 

(114). Indian Antiquary (LII), pp. 77-80. 

(115). Jour. Indian Hist. (Nov, 1922), p. 20ff; Aiyangar, ibid., Chap. VIL. 

(116), V. Smith, ibid., p. 205f. 

(117). Jour. Indian Hist. (Nov. 1922), p. 27. 

(1) Se x - eg 26. 

(119). Aiyangar, ibid., p. 205. 

(120). ts pag tm oad 


(121). 
(122). 
(123). 
(124). 
(125). 
(126). 
(127). 
(128). 
(129). 
(130). 
(131). 
(132). 
(133), 
(134). 
(135). 
(136), 
(137). 
(138). 
(139). 
(140). 
(141). 
(142). 
(143). 


(144). 
(145). 
(146). 
(147). 
(148). 


(149). 
(150). 
(151). 
(152). 
(153). 
(154), 
(155). 
(156). 
(157). 
(158). 
(159). 


(160) 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 119 


Aiyangar, ibid., p. 208, 


Be nie Pn2o0, 
Kingsbury and Phillips, ibid., p. 36. 
” ” ” p. 10. 
Aiyangar, Early Hist. Vaishnavism, p. 94. 
as ibid., p. 95. 
“ Some Contributions &c., p. 261. 
“5 ibid., pa 117: 
4 Early Hist. Vaishnavism, p. 97. 


Radhakrishnan, Indian Philosophy, p. 496. 
Aiyangar, Some Contributions, &c., p. 275. 
Rapson, Cambridge Hist. India (I), p. 598. 
Aiyangar, Early Hist. Vaishnavism, p. 42ff. 

a Some Contributions, &c., p. 270. 

ng Early Hist. Vaishnavism, p. 23ff. 
Bhandarkar, Vaishnavism, Shaivism, and Minor Sects, p. 50. 
Aiyangar, Early Hist. Vaishnavism, p. 23. 
Sele (oe LV), AUCTO. xix. 
S.B. E. (XXXIV), p. 12. 
Urquhart, Pantheism and Value of Life, p, 186. 
Farquhar, Outline Relgs. Lit. of India, p. 128. 
Urquhart, ibid., p. 190. 

,  p. 220; Keith, Sankhya System, p. 6; S.B.E. (XXIV), 


Intro.; Jacobi, J.A.O.S. (XX XIII), pp. 51—54; Sukhtankar, Vienna 
Oriental Journal (XII), p, 120ff. 


Farquhar, ibid., p. 171. 


- ye ey 
Urquhart, ibid., p. 431, 
. eeDoaoe. 


Kingsbury and Phillips, Hymns of Tamil Shaiva Saints, p. 2; Farqu- 
har, ibid., p. 197, Note. 


Aiyangar, Some Contributions &c., p. 240. 
Farquhar, ibid., p, 197. 
Kingsbury and Phillips, ibid., p. 4. 
” ” ” p- 2. 
Aiyangar, Some Contributions, &c., p. 241. 
” 9 ” p. 64. 
Farquhar, ibid., p, 51, Note 1. 
E. R. E. (XII), p. 243. 
Farquhar, ibid,, p. 50. 
’9 »» p. 50. 
Pn + opALOr. 
E. R. E. (V), p. 4. 


So 


war b! 


Pao: ee if eT Ra ey a on he ee 
HO DUR ten Oak 
a gia! 4 ™ 7 i, 
> : 
ae ct cicurs 
; ‘ 75h iP 
7 5 
ies 
- 


UG oe “TULASI’ s WAY OF SALVATION - Ne 


(16h) tps SO MEP TAS ARCS AL ts 
(162). Farquhar, ibid., p. 294. i ae 
(163). No. 69, Chap. IV. Oe Oe 


(164). Rapson, ibid., p. 597. Wis. Gb 
% * 





u 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION tipal 


CHAPTER V 


EARLY LITERATURE AND LEADERS OF THE 
VAISHNAVA REVIVAL. 


It was a significant day in the growth of Vaishnavism in the 
South when the hymns of the Shaiva and Vaishnava saints were 
introduced as part of the ritual of temple-worship. It is difficult 
to overestimate the great impetus which this gave to the later 
bhakti development. This new feature in the temple-worship 
seems to have become prevalent during the period which extends 
roughly from the fall of the Pallava power to the fall of the Empire 
of Vijayanagar. It isthe Vaishnava feature of this development, 
particularly the Rama phase, with which this chapter will be 
concerned. 


The term ‘‘Vaishnava’’ is applied to that group of sects among 
the Hindus in which Vishnu, in some one or other of his special 
forms, is worshipped. Crooke holds (1) that this worship of Vishnu 
ought not to be confused with the orthodox worship paid to him, 
as their individual patron deity, by the higher classes of Hindus. 


The Vaishnava faith has developed along several lines accord- 
ing as the object of devotion hag differed. Vishnu varies in his 
incarnations. The incarnation notion is a religious technique such 
as lends itself readily to the absorption of primitive cults. For 
example, Basdeo and Purushottama are held to be mountain deiti- 
es, primitive in character (2). These both have become absorbed 
within the Vishnu cult. Then again Vithoba, or Vitthal of Pan- 
dharpur, made famous through the devotion and poems of the great, 
Marathi, bhakti saint, Tukaram (3), is believed to have been ori- 
ginally the local cult of a deified Brahman, who became accepted 
as an incarnation of Vishnu (4). Jacobi has noted (5) that most 
of the cults that have become merged in Vaishnavism although 
non-Brahmanical in origins, yet in the end became Brahmanized. 
Such cults arose originally from household or special deities, which 
belonged to various classes and castes, Brahman groups not exclud- 
ed. He thinks that their identification with Vishnu was probably 
the result of Brahman activity. In this way these cults were given 
a status, which otherwise they in all probability would never have 
acquired. This scholar thinks that it was the acceptance of the 
Brahmanical theology by these various un-Brahmanical Vaishnava 
cults, which gave the latter legitimacy inthe Brahman scheme of 
things. Hence Vishnu became one with the Supreme Brahman 
of the Upanishads. Reference has been made already to this ear- 
liest development. 


122 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Another general feature of the religious life from the opening 
of the Christian centuries onward is the development of sectarian 
movements and their accompaniment: the sectarian spirit. We 
have seen how both Epic and Puranic materials have been utilized 
to promote sectarianism. This growth of sectarian practice and 
spirit may be noted also in the temple-worship. Some temples, 
however, permitted the worship of the five great deities. But 
others were exclusive in their worship. As has been noted already, 
the temple-ritual is non-Aryan in origins (6). There was a group 
who by means of temple and image-worship began to give Vishnu 
their exclusive devotion. Another group tooka similar attitude 
towards Shiva. Patanjali (7) calls the latter “Shivabhagavatas’’ 
and refers to the emphasis they gave to image-worship. Hence it 
was inevitable, as Farquhar notes (8), that the sectarianism of the 
worshippers of these two deities should be condemned. The ritual 
of their worship was non-Vedic. Moreover their worship was not 
of all the gods, but of one alone. From this time forward we have 
within the fold of Hinduism two main groups: the orthodox, who 
adhere to the old, Vedic, religious culture and its worship of many 
deities. Then onthe other hand there are the sectarians, who are 
exclusive in their worship and who follow a religious technique, 
which is non-Aryan in origins. Of the Vaishnava phase of this 
sectarian development the Bhagavadgita and later the Vedanta 
Sutras became their earlier authoritative texts. Reference to these 
has been made in the two previous chapters. They are noted now 
merely as registering stages in the earlier development of Vaishnav- 
ism. 

Although the incarnations of Vishnu are many, yet the two 
most popular are Krishna and Rama. Extended reference has 
been made already tothe former. Attention will now be given to 
the latter. Rapson is inclined to believe (9) that the story of the 
Ramayana hagits origins inthe later Brahmana period. In the 
time of the Buddha the Videhas, together with the Licchavis of 
Vaishali and other powerful clans, established a confederation 
known as the Vrijis. Crooke also holds (10) that the original form 
of the Ramayana of Valmikiis based’ upon pre-Buddhistic mater- 
ials. Its kernel, he thinks, was composed probably before 500 B. C. 
The more recent portion, he thinks, belongs in the second century 
B.C. and later. The cult of Rama is described in the Vishnu 
Purana, which latter belongs in the Gupta period. 

Valmiki’s original work consisted of five books. To thesean 
introductory and a concluding book have been added. In the form- 
er of these two later additions, Vishnu has not yet been exalted to 
the Supreme. He is rather one among the three, the other two be- 
ing Shiva and Brahma. In the original work Rama, a noble, un- 
Selfish leader, is set forth along with his faithful wife, Sita, in 
such captivating phraseology and picture language as to capture 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 123 


the love of the Indian people to a remarkable degree. Such a pre- 
paration in the minds of the people and the accompanying incarna- 
tion religious technique, which had long since become a part of the 
Social inheritance, made the process of Rama’s exaltation to deity- 
hood a very easy and rapid one. 

According to Aiyangar (11) there are references to Ceylon in 
Tamil literature, which are earlier even than the Buddhist tradit- 
ion. These are associated with the Ramayana. In an early poem 
by a poet of Madura, named Kaduvan Mallanar, there is a reference 
to the foreshore of the boisterous sea, where Rama held his council. 
Another early poet, Unpodi Pasum-Kodaiyar, refers to the abduct- 
ion of Sita by Ravana. Again in the Silappadhikaram (12) there 
are references to three incidents in this epic story: first, Rama’s go- 
ing to the forest at the order of his father, second his sorrow caus- 
ed by the abduction of his wife, and lastly Rama and Lakshmana’s 
sojourn in the forest andthe destruction of Lanka. In the Mani- 
mekhalai (13) there isa reference to the building of the bridge of 
Rama. It would seem that those for whom these poems were writ- 
ten must have been familiar with the Ramayana even to the ex- 
tent of knowing many of its details. 

How came the Ramayana to be known s0 early in the Tamil 
country ?. The question was raised ina previous chapter as to the 
possibility of the Jains’ playing a part in its spread southward (14). 
As looking in this direction it may be recalled that the Ramayana 
epic grew up inthe areas from whence both Jainism and Buddh- 
ism arose. Moreover it is not without significance that the oldest 
Prakrit poem of the Jains, the Padma-Charita, of Vimala Suri, 
which has been edited lately by Jacobi, and which this scholar 
places in the third century A. D., is a story dealing with the same 
characters as are in the Ramayana. Furthermore Panini, Patanjali 
and Amarasinha, who all lived in North-West India, never mention 
the characters of the Ramayana; whereas on the other hand those 
of the Mahabharata receive their attention. Among both the Jains 
and the Buddhists, versions of the Ramayana story exist. These differ 
from those which bear the stamp of Brahmanism. For example, 
the Buddhists have a Dasharatha Jataka, which makes no mention 
ef Ravana. A Jain version of this epic, called the Pampa Rama- 
yana, belongs to the South, written by one Abhinava Pampa, who 
in all probability belonged to a group of poets at the court of 
Vishnuvardhana. The latter died in 1141 A. D. (15). In the early 
years of his rule he wasa zealous Jain. He urged his minister, 
Gangaraja, to restore the Jain temples which had been destroyed 
by the Chola rulers, followers of Shiva, who raided the former’s 
territories. At this time his name was Bitti Deva, which Bhandar- 
kar holds is probably the corruption of Vitthala or Vitthi. It is 
said that about the beginning of the twelfth century, after coming 
under the influence of Ramanuja, he became a Vaishnava devotee. 


124 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


This was marked by the change of hisname. The balance of his 
reign was characterized by the erection of many temples to his new 
deity, which are described as ‘‘of unsurpassed magnificence’’. Stor- 
ies are current that he persecuted his former fellow-religionists. 
This is denied by some. It is not without significance that one of 
his wives, as well as one of his daughters, wasa Jain (16). The 
proper name of the Pampa version is Ramachandra-charitra-purana. 
Its whole atmosphere is Jain (17). All the characters are Jain 
and India appearsasa Jain country. Rama and Lakshmana are 
not incarnations of Vishnu. There is also a wide difference in 
many minor details. There are other Jain versions of the Rama- 
yana, such as the Kumudendu Ramayana in Kanarese, which is 
placed at about 1275 A.D. The story, in much briefer form, is 
found ina Purana called Chavunda Raya, which is placed in 978 
A. D. (18), and also in Nayasena’s Dharmamrita (1112 A. D.) and 
Nagaraja’s Punyashrava, which is placed in1331 A. D. It will be. 
recalled that the first literary workin Malayalam isa thirteenth 
century version of this epic (19). This all goes to show the early 
currency of the Rama story in some form or other in the social in- 
heritance of the Tamil countries of the South. Furthermore, though 
specific evidence is lacking as yet, the present available data in- 
clines one strongly to the conviction that the Jains, and perhaps 
the Buddhists also, had not a little todo with carrying the Rama 
epic into the. South. 

At this point it becomes necessary to pick up again the threads 
of the changing political conditions in the South, succeeding the 
fall of the Pallava power; and also to trace in particular those phases 
of this development, which have to do with the Vaishnava revival, 
up-to and including the age of the Vijayanagar Empire. 

. During the seventh century the Pallavas were sore pressed by 
both branches of the Chalukyas. In this humbling of the once 
proud Pallava power the Rashtrakutas also had a share. As a result 
little more is heard of the Pallava.power by the close of the tenth 
century. In the eleventh century the Eastern Chalukyas became 
weakened by internal dissensions. During this samecentury, how- 
ever, the Western Chalukya power became triumphant once more 
throughout the whole of the Deccan from the western coastal regions 
to the western confines of the Eastern Chalukyas. They had many 
powerful ancient families as their vassals, such as the Kadambas 
and the Rattas. On the east coast, north of the Eastern Chalukyas, 
the Gangas were in control of the ancient Kalinga areas. The My- 
sore country, which was still greatly broken up politically, was in 
large measure in the hands of the Western Gangas. These latter, 
however, had become much weakened and robbed of not a little of 
their territory by the Cholas, who were now rising into great pro- 
minence. The Pandyas were still in authority within their ancient 
territories. However, at the end of the twelfth century the Cholas, 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 125 


Were practically supreme in the South, ruling over the Pallava as 
well as their own hereditary territories. Nevertheless, the Pandyas 
still held theirown within their old boundaries, with Madura as 
their capital. On the east coast to the north of the Cholas lay the 
Warangal Ganapatis, who had seized the Telugu territories, control- 
led earlier by the Eastern Chalukyas. North of the former lay the 
kingdom of Orissa. In the Deccan itself the scenes had shifted. 
The Yadavas of Deogiri on the north andthe Hoysalas on the south 
were locked in a fierce struggle for supremacy. While still farther 
west the Rattas and Kadambas were struggling for the control of 
the lower Konkan. 
When the thirteenth century opened the Yadavas and the 
Hoysadas claim the chief attention. After the fall of the Chalukyas, 
which left the former independent, they attacked the Hoysalas. These 
latter were in great power in the beginning of the thirteenth century. 
But they became hard-pressed by the Yadavas, and in turn sought 
to crush the Cholas to the south of them. What the Hoysalas seem- 
ed to have lost in the north to the Yadavas they gained in the south 
from the Cholas. The Yadava ruler, Ramachandra—the name itself 
is suggestive of the growing interest in Rama—lived until 1309. He 
succeeded in seizing the Hoysalas’ old capital. His territory extend- 
ed over that which was once controlled by the Western Chalukyas, 
also over the Konkan anda portion of Mysore. Warangal lay on 
his eastern borders. With the Cholas on the south he was at peace. 
However, a new enemy had begun to appear on his northern fronti- 
ers. The Mohbammedang had already begunto push down from 
north of the Vindhyas. In 1294 Ala-ud-din Khilji, who was a 
nephew of the Delhi emperor, Jalal-ud-din, with a small body of 
cavalry appeared suddenly at Ramachandra’s capital, Deogiri. It 
was thought that these were but the advance guard of a great host, 
following. Hence the king timorously acceded to the demands of 
these free-booters, paid an immense sum as ransom and promised 
annual payments in addition, as well as ceding certain of his Ellich- 
pur dependencies. 

In 1307 Malik Kafur, the officer of Ala-ud-din, who now had 
himself become emperor, having accused Ramachandra of non-pay- 
ment of his tribute, proceeded against Deogiri with an army. The 
king was seized and carried offto Delhi. After a time he was return- 
ed and in 1309 entertained this same officer in his capital when the 
latter, under orders from the emperor, was on his way to attack 
Warangal, which he conquered. A little later this same officer 
returned again to the Deccan to find Ramachandra dead and his 
son, Samkara, reigning in his stead. During this campaign he march- 
ed as far south as Mysore, capturing its temple city of Dorasamudra, 
expelling the Hoysalas therefrom. It is said that he overcame the 
Pandyas completely and in their ancient capital, Madura, Moham- 
medan rulers held control for almost a half century. In 1327 


126 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Mohammad Tughlak completed the reduction of the Hoysala power, 
From this time the whole of thee Deccan lay at the mercy of these 
Mohammedan, free-booter conquerors. During this time the whole 
of the Deccan was laid waste, its temples and capital cities were 
plundered. This vast wealth was carried away to Delhi. While 
the southern kingdoms after this wholesale devastation continued 
their existence, it was largely in name. 

However, this whirlwind of destruction from the North al- 
though it resulted in filling the whole South with terror and red 
ruin, yet it had amuch more far-reaching significance in that it 
was the means of uniting the southern kingdoms, which for several 
centuries, as we have just noted, had been struggling for advantage 
among themselves. ‘I'hey now coalesced under the leadership of 
two brothers, zealous for Hinduism and its temple-worship. These 
two brothers, whose origins seem to be unknown, were known as 
Harihara and Bukka. This movement against the Mohammedans, 
which they led, was saturated with the spirit of nationalism and the 
sentiments of religion (20). The effort was to save Hinduism, 
regardless of its internal sectarian differences. In a few years these 
two brothers, securing the allegiance of all the old kingdoms of the 
South, established an empire and founded the great city of Vijaya- 
nagar, which is said to be (21) “probably the largest and wealthiest 
city ever occupied by Hindus’’. This Empire was instrumental in 
keeping the Mohammedans of the North ‘‘at bay’’ for some two 
hundred years. These rulers, who may have been Kanarese by birth 
(22), took the Kanarese title of Raya, instead of Raja. 

After the first struggles for the dislodgment of the Mohamme- 
dan forces and rule from the South had been completed successfully, 
the first task was the organization of the social and political life of 
this new power to meet its great military needs. The Empire was 
organized into great military viceroyalties, which were called maha- 
rajyas. The civil administration was organized so as to leave as 
much of it as possible in the hands of the people themselves, who 
were more or less under the supervison of touring officers of state. 
This all left the Empire’s officials freer to devote themselves to 
military, defensive projects. However, as has been stated (23) by 
Aiyangar, such a policy involved military expenditure, which could 
not have been borne by any ordinary empire. Its structure was 
such that it tended also to sharpen up the distinctions between the 
various classes of society. Naturally the results of this were bad in 
the end. 

One of the greatest of its rulers, Krishnadeva Raya, returning 
from a successful campaign against the ruler of Kalinga and while 
on the banks of the Kistna near the modern Bezwada, made a grant 
of ten thousand gold pieces for the repair and restoration of all the 
temples in South India that had suffered from. the devastating hand 
of the Mohammedans, During his reign he sought to provide temp- 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 127 


les in his capital for all the deities, whose temples had been devasta- 
ted by the Mohammedans (24), For example, the great Vittalaswami 
temple in Vijayanagar was undertaken in order to furnish suitable 
accommodations at the capital for this deity whose temples had — 
suffered from Mohammedan raids. Other examples might be given 
to indicate the spirit that informed and promoted this great Hindu 
empire in the South. 

As other evidence of the religious character of this imperial 
development reference may be made to the part which religious 
leaders and thinkers of the South played in this Empire’s establish- 
ment. Although the title of these rulers wags Kanarese in form, 
yet they gave their patronage to Sanskrit and Telugu literature 
rather than to Kanarese (25). Madhava and Sayana, reputed as 
brothers and great statesmen as well as renowned scholars, were 
associated with the beginnings of this Empire. The elder seems to 
have occupied the position of chief adviser to Bukka (26). Sayana 
on the other hand seems to have been serving in a similar capacity 
in the Viceroyalty of Udayagiri under Kampana. Upon the latter’s 
death Sayana seems to have acted as regent during the minority of 
the son, Sangama. As grammarian and commentator Sayana gave 
much attention to Vedic study. He and his brother seem to have 
done much to preserve the Vedic learning from decay and oblivion. 
Aiyangar holds that, whether for good or for ill (27), ‘the present- 
day Hinduism of the South retains the form that it attained under 
Vijayanagar, which ought to be given the credit of preserving Hind- 
uism such as it is’. It would seem, therefore, that in the creation 
of this Hindu empire we see the result of a spirit of compromise 
which was forced upon the warring sects and kingdoms of the 
South by the inroads of Mohammedans from the North. The 
spirit of compromise and toleration, which grew up as one result 
of the great struggle with the Mohammedan North of those centur- 
ies, finds an interesting illustration in the rule of Bukka, found 
in the so-called Ramanuja inscription. A complaint came to Bukka 
that the Vaishnavas were molesting the Jains. Asa result of the 
investigation the ruler committed toa Vaishnava Acharya of the 
court the task of seeing that the Jains were not molested by the 
Vaishnavas. 

Aiyangar calls attention to the fact (28) that Ganga Devi, the 
wife of Kumara Kampana, in a Sanskrit epic poem, Kamparaya 
Charitam, makes the goddess of the South appearto her husband 
ina dream. She tells him of her sufferings on account of the raids 
and temple plundering by the Mohammedans, and exhorts him to 
a campaign against these devastators of religion. This Prince con- 
quered not only Tondamandalam but also Tamil land from the 
Sultans of Madura. When these Mohammedan garrisons were 
driven out of the South the re-establishment of Hindu supremacy 
was marked by the restoration of the great religious center of Shri- 


128 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


rangam, with which Ramanuja’s name has become so intimately 
associated; and of the re-establishment of the deity, Ranganatha., 
This rehabilitation of the Vaishnava ‘‘holy of holies’’ is, as Aiyan- 
gar remarks, symbolical of the policy that initiated this ‘“‘-Empire’’ 
movement and suffused it with a strong religious fervour through- 
out the entire history of Vijayanagar. 

Having indicated briefly the large part which this Empire 
played in the general Hindu development in the South and in part- 
icular the Vaishnava phases of it, it is necessary to return and trace 
the development of Vaishnava leaders and literature, which centre 
around the name and activities of Ramanuja. | 

The term Bhagavata to which reference has been made earlier 
(29) is used not only to describe Vaishnavism in general. It refers 
also to a special group of Vaishnavas who recognize the equality of 
Shiva with Vishnu, and who are loyal to the old Vedic ritual. Even 
an upanishad has been written (30) to prove the identity of these two 
deities. Farquhar thinks that this was done after this sect had 
accepted Shankara’s Vedantic system (31). On the other hand, the 
Pancharatra development represents a still more exclusive sectarian 
movement. Its beginnings are hidden in obscurity. The creation 
of its Sambhitas is, according to Farquhar (32), the most notable 
feature of the Vaishnava development in the period lying between 
the sixth and tenth centuries. This literature is beset with many 
problems.as to date and place of origins. This writer has set forth 
the problems and given the bibliography of those who have discuss- 
ed the subject at length. Heis inclined to think that it was pro- 
bably late in reaching the South (33). The Samhitas are many and 
in their earliest form probably represent some form or other of sect- 
arian practice or doctrine (384). These exhibit the practice and be- 
liefs of the Vaishnavas. The latter bears closest relations on the 
one hand with the theology of the Narayaniya section of the 
Mahabharata and on the other with that of Shakta thinking. It 
is the ritual of these Samhitas which is in most general use in the 
Tamil country temple-worship to-day (35). This literature, how- 
ever, was classed as unorthodox by Appaya Dikshita (36), who was 
a contemporary of Tulasi Das. Ramanuja, however, seems to have 
been eager to promote Pancharatra practice and doctrine. The 
wide use of this ritual in the temple-worship in the Ramanuja 
areas may betaken as evidence of the success which met his own 
efforts and those of his successors. i 

However, although Ramanuja is undoubtedly the most out- 
standing figure among the Vaishnava revival leaders, who followed 
the Alvars, yet he was preceded by others, worthy at least of brief 
mention. Nathamuni is the first of these. There are many tradit- 
ions connected with him. He is thought to have flourished in the 
first half of the tenth century (37). He seems to have concerned 
himself withthe revival of the teaching of the Alvars, and the 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 129 


creation of an organization to insure the continuance of their 
teaching. He arranged the hymns in four groups of a thousand 
each, or thereabouts, and set them to Dravidian music. This col- 
lection is called the book of four thousand hymns, or Nalayira 
Prabandham. He lived near Trichinopoly in the adjacent Shriran- 
gam temple. He succeeded in having these hyins sung on stated 
occasions in the worship of this temple, which led to this practice 
spreading to other temples. This Acharya, for such was the title 
given him, was followed by Pandarikaksha and Ramamishra of 
whom we know little. The fourth, however, was Yamunacharya, 
the immediate predecessor of Ramanuja. He was grandson of 
Nathamuni, living during the middle of the eleventh century. He 
seems to have been a scholar of considerable ability. His opposit- 
ion to the thinking of the Shankara school of thought is seen in the 
Siddhitraya, in which he argues for the reality of the human soul. 
All his works, which are several, were written in Sanskrit; and in 
these are set forth the main features of the Vishishtadvaita type of 
thinking of which Ramanuja became the great advocate later. 
Ramanuja, whose birth is dated now in A. D. 1016 or 1017, received 
his early training at Kanchi in the Shankara school of thinking 
under Yadavaprakasha, who wasa Vedantist of the Vedantists. 
Ramannja, however, came under Vaishnava influence early. This 
seems to have come through the Alvars. He left his early teacher 
and attached himself to Yamunacharya, whom he later succeeded. 
When the “acharya’’ mantle of his teacher descended to him he 
was stilla young man. However, he had already become so pro- 
minent a Vaishnava leader that he had even won his former Ad- 
vaita teacher, Yadavaprakasha, to the Vaishnava faith; and had 
become destined to be the new leader upon the death of Yamuna. 
Before he settled down to his duties as teacher, however, he sought 
to acquaint himself with all the Vaishnava teaching available, This 
appointment made him not merely head of the Vaishnava school at 
Shrirangam. He was also in authority over its great temple and the 
recognized head of the sect. Although many unbelievable traditions 
have gathered about his name, yet it is clear that he travelled and wrote 
not a little; that he was prominent both asa teacher and as a dis- 
putant with rival sects and faiths. His three most important works 
are: the Vedarthasangraha and commentaries on both the Bhagavad- 
gita and the Vedanta Sutras. His work on the latter is called the 
Shribhashya. The first isa work designed to prove that the U- 
panishads do not teach a strict monism, as set forth by Shankara. In 
this type of thinking Ramanuja was not alone. He had predecessors, 
who lived before Shankara. The names of three of these: Tanka, 
Dramida and Bodhayana, have come down to us (38). Ramanuja’s 
doctrine, in opposition to Shankara’s, as summarized by Urquhart 
(39), is as follows: ‘‘Ramanuja’s doctrine...... tends towards a more 
concrete form of Pantheism with an admixture of theism. There 


130 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


is no departure from the position that God is absolute reality, but 
still the differences of the world of ordinary experience are not 
mere appearances. They are real modes of the being of God, the 
Divine Unity going forth into difference; God is not a wholly un- 
qualified being—certain characteristics may be ascribed to Him, 
He is not only nirgunam but also sagunam—in fact, He is some- 
times characterized so definitely asto approach the God of theism, 
Creation isan unfolding or evolution of that which was before 
unmanifested, andthe unfolding is areal process. Finite souls 
have not the independence and self-subsistence which they would 
have in a properly theistic system, and at the end of the age both 
they and the world they inhabit will be reabsorbed into God. They 
do not, however, wholly lose individuality, though the individuali- 
ty is related to God as a part to the whole, rather than through the 
relation of communion’’, 

Keith holds (40) that ‘‘the actual system of religion expound- 
ed by Ramanuja and his school, while resting on the basis of the 
metaphysics of the Shribhashya, is clearly largely the traditional 
inheritance of the Pancharatra or Bhagavata school; in the Shri- 
bhashya itself the only sectarian hint is the use of Narayana asa 
synonym of Brahman. In thetheology of Ramanuja God mani- 
fests himself in five forms. The first is the highest, in which, as 
Narayana or Parabrahman, he dwells in his city of Vaikuntha un- 
der a gem pavilion, seated on the serpent Shesa, adorned with 
celestial ornaments and bearing his celestial arms, accompanied by 
his consorts: Lakshmi (prosperity), Bhu (the earth), and Lila (sport); 
in this condition his presence is enjoyed by the delivered spirits. 
The second form of manifestation consists of his three or four 
vyuhas, conditions assumed for purposes of worship, creation, &c; 
of these Sankarsana possesses the qualities of knowledge (jyana) 
and power to maintain (bala); Pradyumna has ruling power (aish- 
varya) and abiding character (virya); Aniruddha has creative power 
(shakti) and strength to overcome (tejas); while Vasudeva, when 
included as a fourth vyuha, hasall six qualities. The third form 
comprises the ten avatars of the ordinary mythology; the fourth 
the antaryamin, in which condition He dwells within the heart, 
can be seen by the supernatural vision of the Yogi, and accomp- 
aniesg the soul in its passage even to heaven or hell, while the fifth 
form is that in which the deity dwells in idols or images made by 
men’s hands’’. Bhandarkar has given (41) a similar summary of 
this Vaishnava’s teaching. This type of thinking has much in 
common with the Pancharatra Samhitas. Schrader in his Introduct- 
ion to the Pancharatra and the Ahirbudhya Sambhitas deals in de- 
tail with this type of thought. 

It is probably not overestimating the matter to state that this 
work of Ramanuja, as well as the Bhagavata Purana, which was 
born out of this same period in the South, had a profound influence 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 131 


not merely in promoting this revival, but also in giving it a philo- 
sophical basis and standing. It was of great importance that this 
sect, by means of the Shribhashya, was linked up with the Vedantic 
development. Was this done by Ramanuja to free his sect from 
the reproach of being unorthodox (42)? This at least is plain that 
Ramanuja as far as caste rnles were concerned had the reputation 
of being scrupulously careful in their observance. The purpose of 
such diligence is obvious. With Ramananda it was very different. 
It was he who promoted aradical reform regarding caste and attitudes 
towards the lower castes. 

The Bhagavata Purana bears the marks of a book that has 
come out of a fervent, living experience of the bhakti attitude to- 
wards deity. However, it is not of the contemplative, bhakti at- 
‘titude, such as one finds in Ramanuja’s Shribhashya. Farquhar 
has referred to this distinguishing feature between these two liter- 
ary precipitates out of the general current of bhakti in the religious 
life of the South during the centuries under review (43). ‘From 
them’’, he remarks, ‘*‘come two streams of bhakti characteristic of 
the period, the one quiet and meditative, the other explosive and 
emotional’’. . ‘*The latter type’’, he adds, can be felt everywhere 
in the atmosphere from the thirteenth century onward’’. Natural- 
ly this latter type is the one which quickly became popular with 
the masses. It had much more in common with the worship of 
village deities, as has been noted already, than the contemplative 
type. To quote again from the above writer, who has characterized 
this type (44), it ‘isa surging emotion which checks the speech, 
makes the tears flow and the hairs thrill with pleasurable excite- 
ment, and often leads to hysterical Jaughing and weeping by turns, 
to sudden fainting fits and to long trances of unconsciousness. We 
are told that it is produced by gazing at the images of Krishna, 
singing his praises, remembering him in meditation, keeping com- 
‘pany with his devotees, touching their bodies, serving them loving- 
ly, hearing them tell the mighty deeds of Krishna, and talking with 
them about his glory and hislove. Ali this rouses the passionate 
bhakti which will lead to self-consecration to Krishna and life-long 
devotion to his service. Such devotion leads speedily to release. 
Thus the whole theory and practice of bhakti in this purana is very 
different from the bhakti of the Bhagavadgita and of Ramanuja’’. 
Consequently, as one might naturally expect, the former is the type 
-which becomes highly erotic. In this respect the Bhagavata Purana 
far exceeds either the Harivansha, or the Vishnu Purana in giving 
centrality in its teaching and practice to the erotic phases of bhakti. 
And unfortunately these are the very phases of bhakti out of which 
‘have sprung many sects of Vaishnavism. 

This highly emotional type of bhakti, as far as available data 
is concerned, is first seen in Tamil land among the Alvars who 
expressed their devotion by singing the praises of Vishnu, or one or 


132 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


other of his incarnations before the images of these deities in the 
temples of that country. Moreover, according to Shastri (45), it 
would appear that many of the temples before whose images they 
danced and sang were dedicated to Shivaag well as to Vishnu. 
Such temples, for reasons already stated (46), would naturally be 
in the care of members of the Bhagavata sect. Hence there is good 
reason for the conviction, which Farquhar has expressed (47): ‘‘if 
in the Tamil-country. there was a group of Bhagavata ascetics who 
felt the same devotion asthe Alvars and expressed it in similar 
fashion, we should have precisely the ‘great souls devoted to Nara- 
yana’ mentioned in the Bhagavata, and in such circumstances the 
bhakti, referred to in the Bhagavata Mahatmya, would be born’’. 

The later years of Ramanuja’s life were spent in the spread 
of histype of Vaishnava faith. During that time he made an ex- 
tended tour into north India, as far north even as Kashmir. The 
wide influence of his sect in later times is taken as one evidence of 
the fruitfulness of this tour. In 1098 the Vaishnavas became the 
object of persecution, which Kulottunga, the Chola king, promoted. 
Asaresult Ramanuja fled from Shrirangam and took refuge in 
Mysore, where he continued to reside for many years. . As a result 
the then Crown Prince of the Hoysala line, whose family and many 
of their subjects were Jains, became a Vaishnava. His conversion 
has been noted above. In 1118 the Chola king died and four years 
later Ramanuja returned to his ancient seat of tutorial and ecclesi- 
astical authority, where he died in 1137 A.D. In the temples of 
his sect he has long been worshipped as an incarnation. Many 
have written of his life. Of these many lives, one written in Tamil 
by Pinbalagia-Perumal-Jiyar, who belonged in the thirteenth cent- 
ury, has the greatest detail. 

The particular Vaishnava sect of which Ramanuja became the 
head was called Shri-Vaishnava. This sect which is very wide- 
spread to-day counts its members almost exclusively from among 
the Brahman caste. Furthermore its members are very strict in all 
matters relating to caste regulations as was the case with Ramanuja 
himself. It is probable that even though certain outcaste names 
appear among the list of its saints, these two features characterized 
it from its beginnings. Farquhar has noted the interesting fact 
(48): that every Shri-Vaishnava Brahman bears either Acharya or 
Aiyangar as a name, 

Two important features of this sect’s faith, which seem to 
have their beginnings with Ramanuja are prapatti and salvation by 
the guru. In this latter we see the process of exalting the guru to 
deityhood and to which reference has been made earlier (49). It ig 
in the Artha-panchaka of Pillai Lokacharya where this doctrine 
comes into the foreground. It consists in the devotee surrendering 
himself to an acharya, who guides him in everything. This acharya 
does everything that may be necessary to bring about the salvation 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 133 


of his devotee. Regarding prapatti it would seem as though 
Ramanuja did not define clearly the distinction between it and 
bhakti. Hence after his departure it: became the subject of long 
and bitter controversies, which ended in division within the sect 
and the formation of two schools of thought, each professing to fol- 
low Ramanuja. Prapatti, according to Keith (50), ‘‘consists in the 
sense of submission, the avoidance of opposition, the confidence of 
protection, the choosing of deity as the saviour, the placing of one- 
self at his disposal and the consciousness of utter abasement’’. 


The Northern, or Vedagalai school of thought, whose num- 
bers in contradistinction to the Southern school are not large to- 
day, holds that prapatti begins with the devotee and that it is merely 
one way of salvation among many others. Does this fact not bear 
the earmarks of a process of compromise in the North? Moreover 
Sanskrit has remained the vehicle of its religious culture. The 
Southern, or Tengalai school, retained the use of the vernacular as 
the vehicle of its culture and hence in this respect it continued the 
practice of the Alvars. This latter school held that prapatti is an 
attitude of mind, characteristic of all those who seek salvation and 
reject all other ways in favour of this one. Those who use other 
ways to reach deity have not attained this right attitude which leads 
to deity. Hence prapatti represents a stage beyond bhakti. The 
latter represents active love and devotion. Whereas the former is 
wholly passive, like the kitten when picked up by the cat. Hence 
this doctrine, when carried to its logical conclusions entails the add- 
ed notion: that devotion and reverence in the attitude of the devotee 
are due to the acharya, who sets the feet of the self-surrendered one 
in the right way. This is the outcome of the “irresistible grace’’ of 
the deity. Furthermore the Southern school insists not only that 
all, of whatever caste, should be treated alike, but also that the low 
caste members should be taught the whole of the mantra. On the 
other hand, however, those of the Northern school taught that the 
whole of the mantra should be taught to none save Brahmans. 
Moreover according to the latter school one of the low caste should 
be treated well merely in respect to conversation with him. Asa 
matter of fact the Northern school seems to represent more nearly 
the thought and attitudes of Ramanuja than the Southern school. 
This is seen both inthe meditative character of its bhakti and in 
its conservatism towards caste regulations. According to the for- 
mer school the grace of the deity is co-operative and is symbolized 
by the baby-monkey, clinging to the breast of its mother. Hence 
these two schools have come to be known as the cat and monkey 
schools of thought. 


Tt is notable that Ramanuja’s system of religious thought is 
free from Gopal-Krishnaism. Hence Radha andthe gopis are ab- 
sent. In his writings Rama even does not appear as an important 


134 TULASI’°S WAY OF SALVATION 


deity. It is not until the times and work of Ramananda that the 
latter comes into prominence. | 

One notable feature of Vaishnavism, which, as Bhandarkar 
observes (51), seems to characterize it from its very beginnings, is 
“its spirit of sympathy for the lower castes and classes of Hindu 
society’’. May this not be taken as suggestive of the origins of 
Vishnu worship and its early worshippers? However, on the other 
hand this also ought to be noted: that to the extent that it became 
an influential movement it would attract leaders from the higher 
castes. Hence its great teachers, who for the most part were drawn 
from these same higher castes, held those from the lower castes in 
what has been called ‘‘an outer court’’, even though they were pre- 
sumably admitted to the benefits of this new faith. According to 
the Vedantic faith all such from the lower castes could look for 
deliverance only after accomplishing many successive rebirths. 
On the contrary, however, the Vaishnavas taught that those of the 
lower castes, whosoever desired it, might attain salvation here and 
now by means of bhakti. However, Brahman leaders of this sect 
of Shri-Vaishnava, such as Ramanuja, hedged this way of bhakti 
with so many restrictions as resulted in limiting it Jargely to the 
higher castes. With Ramananda, however, it was different. He 
would not permit distinctions to be made between Brahmans and 
those from the lower castes. All might dine together, provided of 
course they were devotees of Vishnu and had been admitted into 
the religious group. Two other outstanding features of the Rama- 
nanda development, the far-reaching influence of each in North 
India it is hard to overestimate, were: first the use of the vernacu- 
lars instead of the then highly artificial Sanskrit, in the spread of 
this faith and second, the introduction of the worship of the more 
noble and exalted Rama and Sita in the place of Krishna and 
Radha. However, before proceeding to state such facts as are 
known concerning this great leader and devotee of Rama it is nec- 
essary to note the fact that he had certain predecessors, who seem 
to have had a share in preparing the way for his reforms in the 
Vaishnava faith. Ag 8] 

In tracing those who preceded Ramananda and were akin to 
him in spirit and teaching, one must turn to the early bhakti deve- 
lopment in the Maratha country. It is the late M. G. Ranade, who 
in his work on “The Rise of the Maratha Power’’, refers to the fact 
that the religious revival, which we have been tracing above in this 
and in the preceding chapter, ‘‘covers a period of nearly five hund- 
red years and during this period some fifty saints and prophets flour- 
ished in this land, who left their mark upon the country and its 
people.....7... A few of these saints were women, a few were Moham- 
medan converts to Hinduism, nearly half of them were Brahmans, 
while there were representatives inthe other half from among all 
other castes, Marathas, kunbis, tailors, gardeners, potters, goldsmiths, 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 135 


repentant prostitutes and slave girls, even the outcaste Mahars’’. 
One of the most remarkable of the earlier of these bhaktag was 
Namdeva, who wasa tailor. Tradition places his birth in 1270 
A.D. Even though his date is a subject, which has occasioned 
much debate among scholars, and although much of the traditional 
material that has gathered about his name cannot be accepted, yet 
through the dim shadows of that time of great political confusion 
and religious unrest we get glimpses and catch the notes of song of 
an earnest and devout seeker. The deity Vithoba or Vitthal of 
Pandharpur is the object of his devotion. In fact it is around the 
Shrine of this deity that the popular Vaishnavism of the Maratha 
country has found its great centre. Reference has been made al- 
ready to this centre and its deity (52). 

At this point in the Vaishnava revival, however, it becomes 
necessary to make a somewhat more extended reference to this im- 
portant shrine of the Maratha Vaishnava development. Bhandar- 
kar, to whom the writer is indebted (53), gives some detailed in- 
formation regarding the origins and development of the Vithoba 
worship. We areinformed that Vitthal is the full name of this 
deity. The word is non-Sanskrit. It is rather a corruption of 
Vishnu’s name in Kanarese, which ig Vitthu. Although there are 
no data which carry us back to the origins of this shrine, yet Bhan- 
darkar refers to the fact that on a copperplate inscription belonging 
to the reign of Krishna of the Yadava dynasty of Deogiri there is 
clear evidence as to its being a holy place in the middle of the thir- 
teenth century. On this copperplate there is mention of a grant of 
a village in the Belgaum District at Paundarikakshetra, which is 
called a holy place in the vicinity of the deity Vishnu. As it is 
stated that this place is on the banks of the Bhimarathi where 
stands Pandharpur to-day, which has Pandhari as an alternate 
name, Bhandarkar concludes that they are one and the same centre. 
The name Paundarika, he thinks owes its origin to one who bore 
the name of Pundalika, concerning whom there is a popular legend 
connected with Krishna and his wedded wife, Rukmini. The story 
is that through a discourtesy, shown the latter by Radha she left 
Dvaraka, where Krishna was. She wandered about until she came to 
Dindiravana, the site of present-day Pandharpur. Pundalika was 
devoted alike to the service of his parents and of Krishna. Conse- 
quently when the latter came and became reconciled with Rukmini 
he went to the hut of his devotee to reward him for his devotion by 
a personal manifestation. However, at the moment of the deity’s 
arrival Pundalika was engaged in some service for his parents. So 
he was not able to greet him there and then. He tossed a brick 
towards the deity and asked him to stand upon it and wait until 
the service to his parents was completed. This Krishna did and 
thus it was, according to legend, that the shrine at Pandharpur 
arose, Furthermore it is popular belief that Pundalika was the 


136 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


originator of the Vitthal cult; and to this reference is made by 
Tukaram as well as Namdeva. 

There is another significant feature to this legend about 
Krishna of Pandharpur. Krishna worship atfirst had no woman 
connected withit. Then inthe North Radha, while in the Mara- 
tha country Rukmini, his lawful wife, became his associate. Hence 
in the religious literature of the Maratha country Krishna, as Bhan- 
darkar tells us, is almost exclusively spoken of as Rukminipati (the 
husband of Rukmini) and not as Radhavallabha (the lover of 
Radha). Asa consequence the Vaishnavism of the Maratha coun- 
try, even though Radha is not unknown there, is less erotic than the 
Radha-Krishna development. 

We may return now to consider Namdeva and his predecessor, 
Dnyaneshvara, whose name is also written Jnaneshvara and Dnya- 
noba. On the basis of language Bhandarkar (54) places the former 
about a century later than the latter. Tradition makes him con- 
temporary with Dnyaneshvara, and with this Macnicol is inclined 
to agree (55). However Farquhar (56) has presented the data to 
show that the activities of Namdeva belong between 1400 and 1430 
A.D. The phrase ‘‘gone are the saints’’, which is contained in one 
of his abhangs, makes it clear, Farquhar thinks, ‘‘that Jnaneshvara 
and his saintly companions lived long before him’’. Dr. MacKichan 
(57) places Dnyaneshvara in the concluding period of the thirteenth 
century. Aside from the legends that have grown up about him 
in wild profusion, little is known about his life. This much, how- 
ever, is clear: he was a profuse writer. His Dnyaneshvari, which 
it is held was composed at Nevasa, Ahmadnagar Dist., ig an elabor- 
ate paraphrase of the Bhagavadgita in Marathi. Although he was 

well-versed in Sanskrit, yet his love for his native tongue was 

so great that he praises himself for putting this work into Marathi 
(58). This work was completed just three years before the Moham- 
medan free-booters broke across the Vindhyas into the South and 
Deogiri, his nation’s capital, fell before the fierce onslaughts of Ala- 
ud-din. As evidence of the troublous times in which he lived and 
which followed his day the fact may be cited that his great poem 
was forgotten until Ekanath, another Maratha saint of those earlier 
days, who lived at Paithan, brought it to light again in 1584 A. D. 
It is said that the latter was opposed to caste and suffered nota 
little for his moral courage in denouncing it. 

Dnyaneshvara was a Brahman, whose mind was steeped in 
Sanskrit lore and with the metaphysical and ethical presuppositions 
of the Bhagavadgita. Hence he reflected the Brahman standpoint. 
With Namdeva is was otherwise. His voice and song were rather 
that of the people. The influence of the poems became early so 
widespread that some of them have been incorporated in the sacred 
book of the Sikhs, the Granth Sahib. Of his life history little is 
known. He appears to have been born near Pandharpur. It is in 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 137 


his poems where idolatry (59) is so fiercely denounced, which, ac- 
cording to scholars (60), is taken as evidence of the influence of 
Islam. However, he does not seem to have given up the use of 
idols. Macnicol (61) refers tothe fact that his abhangs reveal a 
development in his thinking. At first his bhakti is that of the 
Bhagavata Purana type: highly emotional, ‘all tears and cries and 
raptures’’, While this early religious stage lasted, the deity at 
Pandharpur is the sole object of his devotion. Later, however, a 
change comes and Vithoba ‘thas become for him no more than a 
symbol of the supreme Soul that pervades the universe’, The old 
passion and tears and raptures have passed and he has entered the 
condition of passivity. ‘‘An attitude of spiritual indifference ig 
now his supreme attainment’’. 


An interesting legend, connected with Namdeva’s life seems 
to reflect the growing importance of the guru as a means of salva- 
tion. The legend is that Namdeva in company with Dnyanesh- 
vara and other saints, belonging to all castes, visited a potter in the 
latter’s home village, Alandi, whereupon the potter, ‘an old, old 
man’’, tested them. Namdeva was pronounced of insufficiently 
burned clay. Hence. he had need to be put inthe hands of a guru. 
Then follows teaching as to the need and value of the “guru’s 
grace’’. Macnicol adds suggestively that perhaps the necessity of the 
guru, which had become rooted much earlier in the South, as we 
have seen already, was now beginning ‘‘to impose its discipline 
upon the unrestrained fervour of Marathi bhakti’. In Namdeva 
we have, as one has said (62) the voice of the unsophisticated hu- 
man heart that cries for God, ‘‘the living God...a voice, which be- 
comes more articulate, as we shall see, in a later poet of the same 
type’. It:is hard to overestimate the influence of Namdeva in 
the West and North. It spread far beyond the confines of the 
Maratha areas. Evidence of this has been noted already in the 
incorporation of a number of his poems in the Granth Sahib. 
There is also the fact that a shrine, sacred to him, is in existence in 
Ghuman, Gurdaspur Dist., Punjab (63). 


The point has been reached where it becomes necessary to enter 
into a more detailed consideration of Ramananda’s activities and of 
the religious advance he brought into the Vaishnava development. 
The development connected with his name in North India is a signi- 
ficant one. However, in addition to Namdeva there were others, 
preceding him, who prepared the way, such as Trilochan (64) in 
Maratha land and Sadhnaand Beniinthe North (65). His date, 
like that of Namdeva’s, has been a subject occasioning much discus- 
sion. There remains still a considerable difference of opinion 
among scholars. For example, Macauliffe places him in the close 
of the fourteenth and opening years of the fifteenth centuries. 
Those agreeing with him are: Sir Charles Lyall (66), Eggeling (67), 


138 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Crooke (68), Macnicol (69), Rice (70), and Sir Geo. Grierson (71). 
Bhandarkar makes Ramananda a contemporary of Namdeva (72). 
Vincent Smith thinks he lived sometime during the fourteenth 
century (73). Bhandarkar refers to the fact that the earlier date 
agrees with the traditional statement that there were three gene- 
rations between Ramanuja and Ramananda. Rama Narayana Das 
in his Hindi work on the Agastya-Samhita places his birth in 
1299 or 1300 A. D. However, on the other hand Macauliffe 
in his work (74) gives 1425 as the date of the birth of Pipa, 
who was one of Ramananda’s ‘‘twelve apostles’’. Kabir, another 
of this Vaishnava leader’s early group, is placed between 1440 and 
1518 A. D. (75). The hymn by Dhana, referred to in Macauliffe’s 
work (76), makes it clear that Kabir was not the latest of this ori- 
ginal group. Data, such asthe above, have led Farquhar (77) to 
place this leader between 1400 and 1470. 

Although one may not be able to trace specific historical con- 
nections between the democratic phases of the bhakti development 
in the Maratha country and that which grew up around the activi- 
ties and teaching of Ramananda, yet this much is certain: both 
developments have practically the same democratic atmosphere and 
outlook in religion. Such an atmosphere and outlook arise out of 
Similar practices, attitudes and convictions. Of this there can be 
no reasonable doubt. 

Although Ramananda is one of the most important characters 
in Hinduism in the North to-day, yet the paucity of data about 
him is very great. However, such tradition as exists makes him 
originally a member of the Shri-Vaishnava sect of Ramanuja, being 
the fifth in succession from the latter. The fact that the sect-mark 
of the Ramanandis of to-day is merely a modification of that of the 
Shri-Vaishnavas may be taken as evidence that Ramananda at some- 
time in his career bore some relation to the latter. In this connec- 
tion a point worthy of note is that while Rama, as one of the incar- 
nations of Vishnu, had a place among the Shri-Vaishnavas, yet it 
is Krishna rather than Rama that has remained in the ascendancy 
among them. However, when we turnto Ramananda and the 
group, which he promoted, it is Rama-Sita and those associated 
with them, who receive their exclusive devotion. And this, we are 
assured (78), is the general practice among Ramanandis to-day. 
Hence it is difficult to think it was otherwise in Ramananda’s day. 
Furthermore the mantra of the Rama sect differs from that of the 
Shri-Vaishnavas. That of the latter is ‘‘Om namo Narayana’’. A. 
Govindacharya Svamin (79) calls attention to the fact that the lat- 
ter use also a secret mantra, called Dvaya, which refers to Shri and 
Vishnu. That of the former sect in ‘‘Om Ramaya namah’’. In the 
above facts we have evidence of a sect distinct from Ramanuja’s 
followers. When and where did this new group arise which gave to 
Rama the place of the Supreme? Did it begin with Ramananda, 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 139 


or was he rather one of the Rama sect’s early leaders, who came 
into prominence in that section of the general Vaishnava revival, 
which substituted the nobler and purer-minded Rama for Krishna ? 
These are tantalizing questions that must await more data before 
assured answers, or any matured judgment can be presented. 

On the basis of such facts as are available, however, certain 
probabilities may be stated. Although Sir George Grierson (80) 
refers toa North India tradition, which gives Ramananda’s birth 
from a Kanyakubja Brahman family, resident in Prayag; and that 
originally he asa youth became a pupil of a follower of Shankara- 
charya in Benares, yet the commonly accepted tradition represents 
him as coming from the South and settling in the latter city where 
he gathered about himself a following. Reference hag been made 
already (81) tothe fact that the Rama story found its way into 
Tamil land early; and that it is preserved in early Jain literature 
in the South, which makes it probable that the Jains, as well as 
the Buddhists, may have had something to do with this Epic be- 
coming known so early inthe South. Although as yet it has not 
been possible to trace the origins of the cult, which grew up 
around Rama, yet we have seen already (82) that one must have 
been in existence for some centuries previous to the times of Rama- 
nanda. Dr. Farquhar (83) has put forward the interesting sugges- 
tion as to the probability that the community, which exalted Rama 
as their exclusive deity, lived among the Shri-Vaishnavas of the 
Tamil country and that Ramananda was a member of it. In view, 
however, of the persistent tradition that originally he was a Shri- 
Vaishnava, one is justified in raising the question ag to whether he 
grew up inthe Rama cult, or came into it by choice later. His 
vigorous opposition to certain phases of the Shri-Vaishnava teach- 
ings and practice would seem to strengthen the belief that the trad- 
ition, regarding him, represents an historical fact. A commonly 
noted psychological phenomenon is that a convert toa new faith 
ig likely to be the more vigorous opponent of the faith which he 
has forsaken as wellas the more zealous in the new faith, which 
he has espoused. Such was Ramananda. His motto was ‘“‘let no 
one.ask a man’s caste or sect; whoever adores God is God’s own’’. 
However, it is one thing to teach high ideals. It is quite another 
to practice them. Farquhar observes regarding this leader (84) 
that ‘‘there is no evidence that he relaxed the rule that restricts 
priestly functions to the Brahman; and he made no attempt to over- 
turn caste asa social institution: it was only certain of the religi- 
ous restrictions of caste that were relaxed’’. 

It would seem as though Ramananda wrote little. Grierson 
refers to a single hymn of his in the Granth Sahib (85). However, 
it ig difficult to overestimate the debt, which literary development 
in the vernaculars of the North owes to him and his group. Rama- 
nuja’s writings were primarily, one might even say almost exclu- 


140 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


sively, for Brahmans; and hence were in the sacred Sanskrit 
tongue, which few but Brahmans knew. But Ramananda, like 
Namdeva and later bhakti saintsin the Maratha country, gave 
their teaching in the homely vernaculars of the time. Ramananda, 
unlike Ramanuja, has left no commentary for his cult, such as the 
Shribhashya. To-day his followers use the latter. Are we to 
infer therefore, as many think, that Ramananda and his group 
followed the Vishishadvaita system of Ramanuja? With this gen- 
eral conviction Farquhar disagrees (86) and points to the fact that 
‘‘one of the characteristics of the whole movement that springs 
from him is a constant use of advaita phrases, a clinging to advaita 
concepts while holding hard by the personality of Rama’’. How- 
ever, the fact that he issued no authoritative compendium of doct- 
rine for his followers; and that he in all probability, as Dr. Farqu- 
har has noted (87), used the Shribhashya, since his followers use 
it to-day, would incline one to think that he accepted and taught 
the system of Ramanuja. Whatever advaita elements may have 
crept into the thinking and teaching of the Ramanandis might easi- 
ly have taken place since his day. If we only had a compendium 
of his teaching, such as Ramanuja prepared, then we would he able 
to determine his position in this matter. However, as it is, our 
judgment must be suspended, awaiting more data. | 

Ramananda’s attitude towards caste is seen in the earliest 
followers, whom he gathered about himself. Aside from Brahmans, 
one named Kabir, was a Mohammedan. weaver; another was from 
one of the lowest caste of leather-workers. There was a Jat, a 
Rajput, a barber, and two of them were women. This is quite 
remarkable. In the Vaishnava revival although women saints find 
a place, yet ‘‘Ramananda was the only teacher who placed the sex- 
es onan equality by calling two women to be his apostles’’ (88). 
However, we ought not to conclude, therefore, that this practice of 
neglecting caste distinctions in receiving disciples began with this 
Vaishnava leader. The bhakti sectarian groups had long since 
recognized the general principle that anyone from any caste, or class 
might obtain salvation by the way of bhakti. Then added to this 
is the fact that through the presence of Mohammedan rule and 
Islamic influence the tendency became more or less prevalent to 
recognize Mohammedanism asa _ religious faith as well as Hindu- 
ism. Herein the latter faith exhibits one of its marked charact- 
eristics: to open its ample bosom and find a place for this new faith. 
Hence it was not a new thing to find both Hindu and Mohamme- 
dan religious leaders in this period, who were willing to receive fol- 
lowers from either or both of these faiths. 

Out of the group which Ramananda gathered about himself 
the Shri-Sampradaya grew, which Farquhar conjectures (89), took 
shape about 1500 A. D. There were three others, connected with 
the followers of Madhva, Vishnuswami and Nimbarka. But as 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 141 


they are not connected with the Rama development they are relat- 
ed only indirectly to the subject of this study. His present-day 
followers regard Ramananda asa re-incarnation of Ramachandra. 
It is impossible to state just how early this process of his exaltation 
to deity-hood began. But, given the incarnation-technique in the 
social inheritance, it would require scarcely a generation to com- 
plete sucha process. Furthermore, several of his ‘‘apostles’’ (90) 
have advanced far along the road towards deity-hood. Becoming 
the head of a sect or sub-sect greatly accelerates this process, as 
may be seen in the case of Kabir, who, to the Kabirpanthis, has long 
since become an incarnation of the Supreme. Of those, who bear 
Ramananda’s name and seem to have come in direct line from him 
an ascetic order ought to be mentioned. ‘These are called both 
Vairagis and Avadhutas. According to Grierson (91) the latter 
means ‘those who have thrown off the trammels of narrow-mind- 
edness’’. The former term carries the ordinary meaning: ‘those 
who have become passionless ones’’, Tulasi Das became a Rama- 
nandi Vairagi. However, before concluding this chapter and turn- 
ing to deal with the life and times of Tulasi Dag there is another, 

who immediately preceded him, to whom reference should be made. 
Three of Ramananda’s ‘‘apostles’’, namely: Kabir, Sena and 
Rai Das, founded sectarian groups of their own. Of these three 
Kabir was the most outstanding character. Although there are 
conflicting dates for both his birth and his death, yet Bishop 
Westcott’s dates are generally accepted (92) which are from 1440 
to 1518 A. D. There ig no doubt about his being a disciple of Rama- 
nanda. In one of his poems (93) he writes ‘‘Ramananda illumined 
me’’, Miracle-stories abound in connection with his birth and 
other important events in his life. From among this mass of jun- 
ele growth, that must be pruned away, all stories agree that he was 
brought up by a Mohammedan weaver named Niru, whose wife 
was Nima (94). He lived in Benares fora time. However, the 
Emperor Sikandar, who reigned from 1489 to 1517, had him banish- 
ed from the holy city of the Hindus. Thenceforth he seems to 
have lived a wandering life, dying finally ata place near Gorakh- 
pur, which is called Maghar. 

Kabir, unlike Ramananda, was a prolific writer. His best 
known work being two collections. One is called Sakhis, some five 
thousand sayings consisting of a stanza each. The other is of short 
poems, filled with doctrinal teaching and called Ramainis. His 
verse has been done ina blunt and rugged Hindi. His couplets 
and sayings are well known and quoted farand wide throughout 
North India. Although his followers to-day are found largely 
among the lower castes, yet Kabir himself occupies a high place in 
the reverence of practically all Vaishnavas. Not a little of his 
teaching is on the high ethical plane such as emphasizes the in- 
wardness of true religion. As is natural, much has been ascribed 

a 


142 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


to him, which critical examination may yet prove is the work of 
others. The Bijak, compiled by one of his followers about 1570 
A. D., is a collection of verse and witty sayings. Later still similar 
material was incorporated in the Granth Sahib. A great mass of 
literary material, current among the Kabirpanthis, is ascribed to 
their leader. | 

In Kabirtwo religious currents—one Hindu and the other 
Mohammedan—appear to mingle. However, there are wide dif- 
ferences of opinion on this matter. Much of his doctrine and even 
some of his language, Grierson (95) thinks, were borrowed from the 
Nestorian Christianity of South India. Bishop Westcott (96) is 
inclined to class him asa Mohammedan and Sufi. On the other 
hand Bhandarkar (97) thinks there is little or nothing to indicate 
‘‘that his teachings had a Mohammedan basis’’. To him the basis 
of his teaching seems to be wholly Hindu. Farquhar holds (98) 
that the ground pattern of his thinking is Hindu. Hence he re- 
gards the circle of his thought as Indian, rather than Islamic. 

He isacritic alike of certain phases of the Hindu as well as 
the Muslim faith. Idol worship and pride of caste (99) come in 
fora scathing denunciation. The Puranas as well as the Koran 
are held up to ridicule as mere words. The type of worship, which 
he sought to promote, consisted of prayer and praise alone. The 
following may be taken as illustrative of his teaching and emphasis 
upon the inwardness of true religion (100). 


“OQ Servant, where dost thou seek Me? Lo! I am beside thee. 
I am neither in temple nor in mosque; I am neither in Kaaba nor 
in Kailash; 
Neither am I in rites and ceremonies, nor in Yoga and renunciation. 


If thou art a true seeker, thou shalt at once see Me: thou shalt meet 
Me in a moment of time. 


Kabir says, O Sadhu! God is the breath of all breath! ”’ 


“There igs nothing but water at the holy bathing places; and I know 
that they are useless, for I have bathed in them. 


The images are all lifeless, they cannot speak; I know, for I have 
cried aloud unto them. 

The Purana and the Koran are mere words; lifting up the curtain, 
I have seen. 


Kabir gives utterance to the words of experience; and he knows 
very well that all other things are untrue,’’ 


Although Kabir was certainly not a thinker of the first rank, 
yet there can be little room for doubt, that, as McKenzie states 
(LOL), ‘the is one of the loftiest and purest influences in the whole 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 143 


history of Indian religion’’. He was astrict theist. Rama to him 
is the source ofall good. Without him nothing is good. 

It becomes necessary now in concluding this chapter to gather 
up the matters of general significance, which our study in the pre- 
sent and previous chapters, has thrown up into the foreground, as 
having special reference to the subject chosen. 

In the first place it can hardly be gainsaid that the religious 
development in the South, which we have been tracing in a very 
cursory manner, has had moreto do with the later developments 
in Hinduism, especially its bhakti phases, than scholars generally 
have conceded hitherto. It is true that much investigation in this 
particular field of study, in tracing out these connections in much 
greater detail, still remains untouched. Nevertheless this much 
is clear that the Hinduism and its bhakti phases of development, 
seen to-day, have much morein common with the development, 
which we have been tracing in this and in the preceding chapter, 
than with the Aryan Brahman religious development in the North. 
Even though there is much more that needs to be known in detail 
about the religious development in the South to clear up disputed 
‘points, yet the general reasons for the above fact are fairly obvious. 
For example the Dravidian religious development in the South, 
with its intimate relations with the soil and agriculture, has had 
much more in common with the conditions of the masses of India’s 
populations, both in the past and in the present, than the ritual- 
istic, philosophical, and asceticized Brahman development. Of 
course on the other hand there are distinct reasons why the latter 
should have taken the general direction which it did. The Aryan 
religious culture when it arrived in India was already in the care 
of a priesthood that had become hereditary. The significance of 
this has been pointed out already (102). Then this Aryan group 
or groups, though conscious of superiority, were long in the minor- 
ity. Hence it was natural that a social and religious defensive 
technique should become developed, such as is seen in the caste and 
Brahman religious systems, to protect themselves and their religious 
culture intact from the disintegrating influences of an indigenous 
culture in the midst of which they lived their lives. 

It has been pointed out already (103) that the early, Vedic, 
religious culture reflects the conditions of a people ‘on the march’’, 
rather than that of those habituated to intimate relations with 
the soil and agriculture. Furthermore it would appear that when 
the Aryans did come to have any relations with the soil and agri- 
culture in post-Vedic times it was indirectly for the most part as 
overlords of the servile classes, rather than directly as agricultur- 
alists. Otherwise the early developed and deeply-rooted prejudice 
of the Aryan towards manual labour is un-understandable. Al- 
though some form or other of sacrificial practice was widespread 
in ancient times and among primitive peoples, yet that which meets 


144 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


us in the early Vedic literature was for the priestly and warrior 
classes, rather than for the masses. Then again the ascetic develop- 
ment, in spite of the fact that it became a widespread movement 
preceding and during the period both of Jainism, and Buddhism, 
yet even so this movement could not have begun to compare in 
numbers with the masses of the population of that time. Hence 
it was, or at least it tended to become increasingly a specialized re- 
ligious development among India’s populations. No matter how 
many ascetics there were, yet there seemed always to be enough 
living the work-a-day life to supply the former with life’s necessit- 
ies. Hence the whole, early, Brahman development and what grew 
out of itin the North were such as would not give it as intimate a 
relation with the masses of the people, asthe Southern religious 
development, which was suffused with the atmosphere of the soil 
and agriculture. 

However, having stated so much, it must be noted on the 
other hand that the coming of the Brahman as well as the Jain and 
Buddhist religious pioneer into the South was not in the guise of 
a conqueror asthe Aryan had entered the North, centuries earlier. 
It was rather asa teacher, philosopher and guide that he came. 
This distinction is worthy of note. Furthermore, the South, es- 
pecially the Tamil country had already developed a high type of 
material civilization because of its commercial relations with a wide 
range of cultures and races. These leaders from the North repre- 
sented a thought anda religious culture of a higher type than that 
associated with the village worship and its deities. Hence their 
coming into such a developing material civilization, as we have al- 
ready noted especially in the Tamil country where the indigenous 
culture was highest, hada profoundly fructifying influence. This 
is just what we would naturally expect under such favourable 
circumstances. Furthermore this influence seems to have been 
most profound among those whom we would expect it to be such: 
the rulers and those attached to their courts. These would be those 
for the most part who would have travelled farthest in their think- 
ing and outlook from village-life conditions. We have seen that 
these religious pioneers from the North (104) had much to do with 
the development of literatures in the more important vernaculars 
of the South. 

Nevertheless sooner or lateran indigenous culture, under the 
fructifying influence of an alien culture or cultures, which for the 
time being may have brought about a partial or almost total eclipse 
of the former, is almost certain to assert itself in time and come 
into its own. It took some time for this indigenous religious deve- 
lopment especially to arise and gather momentum in the South. 
Soon after the opening of the Christian era we get occasional glimp- 
ses of the beginnings of this development in the growing attitudes 
of hostility towards Jainism and Buddhism, as alien faiths. By 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 145 


the time of the Pallava agethe development had become akin to a 
great, nationalist movement, which swept through the whole South. 
One would like to know whether or not a similar antagonism was 
manifested against Brahmanism, as against the other two faiths 
from the North. Had Brahmanism been able to adapt itself more 
closely to the indigenous religious culture than Jainism and Bud- 
dhism, or is it that that element in the social inheritance of the 
indigenous religious culture of the South has not come down to us 
in any large way in literary precipitates ? Perhaps these both were 
factors in giving us the impression that in this respect the Brahman 
occupied a favoured position. Antagonisms there were. As has 
been noted already, we get glimpses of them in connection with 
the village-worship (105). Qne would like to have more data 
at hand, however, to determine more adequately what did really 
take place between Brahmanism from the North and the village 
cults, when the latter came under the inspiration of the revival 
during the age of the Pallavas. The Adiyars and the Alvars, sing- 
ing the praises of their chosen deities before their temples and imag- 
es in the homely vernaculars of the people; and later the introduc- 
tion of this style of hymnody and its practice into the temple-wor- 
Ship of the South, were undoubtedly great factors in promoting 
this indigenous development. 


Another great factor, arising later, which promoted the later 
development, was the Mohammedan inroads and oppression from 
the North. They were influential not only in uniting the South- 
ern kingdoms, broken and devastated though they were, but, what 
is of much more importance in relation to the subject of our study, 
their union was primarily in the interests of saving Hinduism. 
Such a struggle was undoubtedly a great influence in integrating 
Hindu culture, especially its bhakti phases, among the masses of 
the South. When a people fight for their faith it becomes thereby 
much more deeply integrated in the social inheritance than would 
be the case otherwise. 


Then again it will have been noted that as the Vaishnava re- 
vival spread westward and northward the use of the vernaculars 
became increasingly the vehicle for the spread of the Vaishnava 
faith. Hence this faith took onan at-homeness with the masses, 
which had not been possible as long as Sanskrit had been the ve- 
hicle. It is in the Maratha country and Ramananda phases of this 
development where the use of the vernacular comes into promi- 
nence. One of the results of this, as we might naturally expect, 
was the part which many came to play in this revival, who were 
from the lower castes. In connection therewith one recalls that 
the Vishnu worship reflects sympathies and early connections with 
the lower castes, even in spite of the fact that this religious deve- 
lopment came under Brahman leadership early. 


146 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Such a great revival, as has been sketched briefly in this and 
in the earlier chapter, precipitated into the social inheritance a large 
and varied body of religious literature. Naturally all this literature 
and some of it in particular, such as the hymns of the Adiyar and 
Alvar saints and the Bhagavata Purana reflect a living faith in and 
a great devotion to the deities chosen. Much of this literature 
springs from the human heart, warm and aflame with religious 
devotion. However, this religious devotion when carried to a cer- 
tain emotional pitch passes over easily into expressions and symbols. 
that are highly erotic; and hence in the end leads to the degrada- 
tion of worship. In this Vaishnava revival this erotic development 
(the later phases of it have not been traced as they are aside from 
the main object of this study) was well advanced during the period 
under review. Hence some of the undesirable results had already 
come into the social inheritance of the period. 

Hence itis not surprising to find that in this same period the 
more wholesome and ethical Rama-worship comes into increasing 
prominence, especially as this Vaishnava revival moves westward 
and northward. Ramananda and his early group gave to Rama the 
place of the Supreme; and hence they have had much to do with 
popularizing this nobler faith throughout all of North India. How- 
ever, the one, who, more than any other Ramanandi, did most to give 
wide prevalence .to this purer faith was Tulasi Das, to the study 
of whose times and life we now turn. His great work, the Rama- 
charitamanasa, has been called ‘the Bible of ninety millions of 
people, and is certainly more familiar to every Hindu of Northern 
India than our Bible is to the average English peasant. There is 
not a Hindu of Hindustan proper (meaning North India), whether 
prince or cottar, who does not know its most famous verses and 
whose common talk igs not coloured by it. Its similes have enter- 
ed even into the language of Indian Muslims, some of whose most 
ordinary idioms, though they know it not, made their first appear- 
ance in this work (106)’’. 

In estimating those factors, which have been profound in 
lifting the moral tone of the life of millions of Hindus in North 
India, the influence of the Vaishnava faith, as promoted by Rama- 
nanda and the disciples and other leaders who followed him, must 
be given a high and honorable place in the esteem of all, who hold 
that religion should be intimately bound up with high standards 
of ethical conduct. 


(1). 
(2). 


{14). p. 74. 

(15). V. Smith, Oxford Hist. India, p. 203. 

(16). 4 ibid., p. 203. 

(17). Kingsbury and Phillips, Hymns of Tamil Saivite Saints, p. 34. 
(18). < \ ibid., p. 35. 

{19). p. 85. 

(20). Aiyangar, ibid., p. 298. 

(21). Imperial Gaz. (II), p. 343. 

(22) i » (1D), p. 344. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


REFERENCE NOTES, 
E.R. E. (XII), p. 570. 
Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer (II), p. 752. 


. Fraser and Edwards, Life and Teachings of Tukarans. 
b Ey RE BVI) on 10S: 

> ey wee Be (ES ps SED: 

. Farquhar, Outline Relgs, Lit. India, p. 82. 


i ibid., p. 82. 
p. 82. 


” ? 


. Rapson, Cambridge Hist. India (I), p. 317. 
; E.R. E..(X1D), p. 571. 

. Aiyangar, Some Contributions, &c:, p. 68. 
. Silappadhikaram, XIII, ll. 63-66; XIV, il. 46-49; XVII, p. 401. 
. Manimekhalai, XVII, li. 9-15. 


This position is disputed by V. Smith, ibid., p, 316. 


(23). Aiyangar, ibid., p. 302. 

(24) by ine 306: 

(25). V. Smith, ibid., p. 316. 

(26). Aiyangar, ibid., p. 310; V. Smith, abid., 316. 
(27). $5 Ee Pcs 

{28) 3 tan We De OUD 

G29),. py. 7 is 

(30). Skanda Upanishad. 

(31). Farquhar, ibid., p. 181. 

(32) 3 ma Dales. 

(33) Hg Wee Td Go; 187. 
(34) = 7 =p. 183. 

(35) ~ pena. ia bes Ls 

(36). Chanda, Indo-Aryan Races, p. 100, 
{37), Aiyangar, ibid., p. 278. 


Farquhar, ibid., p. 241 (gives 11th cent.) 


Pome. CRA EV) axtf, 
. Urquhart, Pantheism and Value of Life, p. 188. 


147 


148 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


(40). E. R. E. (X), p. 573. 
(41), Bhandarkar, Vaishnavism, Shaivism and Minor Sects, p. 52f. 
(42). Farquhar, ibid., p. 244. 
(43). . Fabel eos 
(ia) Hier et 
(45). H. Krishna Shastri, South India Images of Gods and Goddesses, p. 72. 
(46). p. 110ff. 
(47), Farquhar, ibid., p. 233. 
(48). * Pee ee fs 
(49). p. 70. 
(50). E. R. E. (X), p. 573. 
(51). Bhandarkar, ibid. p. 66. 
(52). pp. 121, 127. 
(53). Bhandarkar, ibid., p. 87f. 
(54). * ‘arpa: 
(55). Indian Interpreter (April 1917), p. 5f. 
(56), Farquhar, ibid., p. 299. 
(57). Indian Interpreter (January 1913), p. 167. 
(68) as cr “ p. 169. 
“What! is it not a perfect marvel, 
That this is our national Marathi speech 
The sounds are filling the whole air 
With exceeding sweetness’. 
—From Dr. Murray Mitchell’s translation. 
(59). Indian Interpreter (April 1917), p. 6. 
(60). Farquhar, ibid., p. 299; Indian Interpreter (April 1917), p. 6. 
(61). Indian Interpreter (April 1917), p. 8f. 
(62), & -¢ (January 1913), p. 173. 
(63). Macauliffe, Sikh Religion (VI), p. 39. 
(64). Farquhar, ibid., p. 299. 
(65). Macauliffe, ibid., pp. 84, 88. 
(66). Ency, Brit. CXIID, p. 486. 
(67). Ency. Brit. (VIID), p. 569. 
(68). E. R. E. (VD), p. 708. 
(69). Indian Interpreter (Oct. 1914), p. 118, 
(70). Rice, Kanarese Literature, p. 72. 
(71). Imper, Gaz. (II), p. 416. 
(72). Bhandarkar, ibid., p. 67. 
(73). V. Smith, ibid., p. 260. 
(74). Macauliffe, ibid., (VI), p. 111. 
(75). E. R. E. (VII), p. 32. 
(76). Macauliffe, ibid., (VI), p. 109. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 149 


(77). Farquhar, ibid., p. 323, 

(78). 3 we Paes 

(79). A. Govindacharya Swamin, Life of Ramanuja, pp. 14, 48, 52. 
(80). E.R. B, (X), p. 569F 

(81). pp. 74, 123. 


(82). p. 73. 
(83). Farquhar, ibid., p. 324. 
(84). is SIL ts 45> 


(85). Grierson, Modern Vernacular Lit. of Hindustan, p. 7. 

(86). Farquhar, ibid., p. 326. 

(87). ‘ yy  B. 325. 

(88). E. R. E., (X), p. 571. 

(89), Farquhar, ibid., p. 327. 

(90). E.R. EB., (X), p. 571. 

(91). E.R. E., (X), p. 570. 

(92). Bishop Westcott, Kabir and the Kabir Panth, p. 44. 

(93). Tagore-Underhill, Gne Hundred Poems of Kabir, p. 36. 

(94). E.R. B., (VIL), p. 632. 

(95). Imper. Gaz., (II), p. 417; J. R. A. S. (1918), p. 156. 

(96). Bishop Westcott, ibid., p. 37. 

(97). Bhandarkar, ibid., p. 69. 

(98). Farquhar, ibid., p. 332. 

(99). Sakhis, Group I, 260; 8th., 34th. and 40th, Ramaini. 
(100). Tagore-Underhill, One Hundred Poems of Kabir, Nos. i, xfii, 
(101). MacKenzie, Hindu Ethics, p. 172. 
€102).. 02.112. 

(103). p. 112. 

(104). p. 84. 

(105). p. 102. 

'(106). E.R. E,, (XII), p. 471. 


150 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION | 


CHAPTER VI 
TULASI DAS: A GENERAL VIEW OF HIS TIMES AND LIFE. 


Previous to the incoming of the Mohammedan conquerors 
and the establishment of their rule, India had gone on her own way 
of political development and social crystallization for well nigh 
thirty centuries without having her social structure deeply disturb- 
ed. Such conquerors, as had entered India hitherto, had come and 
gone, and who, with the single exception of Menander, already 
referred to, had left practically no trace behind themselves, either 
in India’s Jiterature or life. With the coming of the Mohammed- 
ans, however, it became different. They regarded themselves some- 
what as crusaders. In the name of Allah it was their duty to destroy 
all this idolatrous paganism, that met their eyes everywhere. All 
North India in particular bears witness to their iconoclastic zeal in 
its many destroyed temples, mutilated images, and disrupted religi- 
ous foundations. With brutal severity idolatry was put under the 
ban; and all who were non-Muslims had to bear the impost of a tax 
and other vexatious disabilities. In ways, such as these, Muslim 
rulers long sought to uproot idolatry from their dominions. At 
times, however, and for reasons mostly political, there were those 
who set aside the customary impositions against non-Muslims. With 
these exceptions, this was the general policy of all their earlier 
rulers down to the days of Akbar. 


Consequently, as might be anticipated, this attitude of the 
Mohammedan rulers had two general effects upon Hindu religious 
life. In the first place and, particularly in the case of the sincere 
and devout Hindus, it tended to develop a deeper emotional attitude 
and fanatical zeal for their chosen deities. This in turn tended to 
give all such deities a greatly enhanced and idealized value to all 
such devotees. ‘Then in the second place this very attack upon the 
symbols and abodes of their deities tended to build certain new ele- 
ments of technique and terminology into their complex of social 
and religious habits, attitudes and thinking. These would be for 
defensive purposes and for adjustment also to the new situation, 
created by the presence and methods of Muslimrule. This defense- 
technique, created more or less unconsciously by the devout Hindus, 
would be determined largely in the very nature of the case by the 
former. It would take on therefore, largely unconsciously, certain 
Mohammedan elements in the effort to adjust to the new situation 
(1). Then on the other hand this new defense-technique itself 
would come into conflict with the already well-established and 
deeply rooted social and religious habits, attitudes and thinking 
within the Hindu group-life. Out of this would arise soon a more 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION I5L 


or less conscious maladjustment, with its resulting social and reli- 
gious ferment. In sucha situation there would be those ready to 
cry out against innovations. They would be those, who, ignoring 
the fact that a new situation had emerged, would insist upon adher- 
ing to the ways and thinking of the Hindu past. On the other 
hand those, possessing the reforming spirit, would strive more or 
less deliberately after a compromise, or a new religious synthesis, 
such as we have already seen in the attitudes and thinking ofa 
Kabir. Prof. Beni Prasad, ina recent work (2), puts the matter 
as follews: ‘when the history of mediaeval India comes to be writ- 
ten it will be seen that the fundamental fact about the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries is the energetic spirit of protest against old 
creeds and formulas, resulting in the direct communion with the 
Supreme soul’’....‘‘Then it was that currents of Islamic sufism and 
Hindu bhakti combined in a mighty stream.’’ 


About half a century before the rule of the great Akbar, 
‘*Kabir’’, to quote this same author again, ‘‘had riddled current 
Hinduism and [slam with argument, invective, ridicule and banter, 
and left behind him’’ influences both of thought and feeling that 
_had great germinating power in the hearts of the people. Yet there 
seem to have been ‘large sections of Hinduism’’ (3) where these 
unsettling elements exercised little or no influence. 


The rule of Akbar marked not merely a long reign. It stood 
also for a new day in the relations of monarch to people, especially 
towards the Hindu populations of his Empire. His reign covers 
practically the whole of the mature life of Tulasi Das, whom tradi- 
tion and scholarship generally place as being born in 1532 and as 
dying in 1623 (4). Akbar’s reign, which covers the years from 
1556 to 1605, spans almost all the years of Tulasi’s reported literary 
activity, which it is said began in 1574 and continued until 1614 (5). 


What were the outstanding factors that were operative in the 
situation into which Tulasi was born, and in which he lived and 
wrought as a religious leader? It will be the purpose of this chapter 
to sketch in broad outline—nothing more can be attempted ina 
chapter—these significant political, economic, social and religious 
factors. It is obvious from a reference in Prof. Prasad’s statement, 
quoted above, as well as from the works of others (6), dealing with 
this period, that much still remains to be done before a real history 
of these times can be written. Hence one must be content with 
a mere sketch. Furthermore it will be the purpose of this chapter 
to indicate also, as best one may, the few facts, which are available 
regarding Tulasi’s life, whom both Smith (7) and Sir George 
Grierson (8) regard as one of the greatest men not only in India 
but even in Asia. While it may be open to question as to whether 
or not this is too high an estimate to place upon him, yet, when 
judged by the influence which his Ramayan has ‘continued to ex- 


152 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


ercise over millions of North India’s peoples, we have in this religi- 
ous leader and poet one to whom not only India, but also the whole 
world of men, who aspire after better things, is indebted. 


Babar, the grandfather of Akbar and fifth in descent from 
Timur the Lame, has been called “the most brilliant Asiatic of his 
age’? (9). Even from boyhood, when called to the chieftainship of 
Samarkand, and later, whether in Kabul or on the Plains of Hindu- 
stan, war and adventure were his daily portion. Whether within 
the borders of North India or beyond, his was a career of fighting. 
It would appear that he was gladto haveitso. For neither the 
civil administration nor the consolidation of his vast dominions, 
which stretched from the Oxusto the borders of Bengal, did he 
seem to have either time or liking. This was one of the great tasks 
to which his grandson, Akbar, addressed himself. The territories 
in North India which Babur conquered were extensive. He held 
them, however, but insecurely. In fact it was not until twenty 
years after Akbar had ascended the Mogul throne that the authority 
of the Babur dynasty became secure in North India. It had been 
almost but lost during the years of Humayun’s inefficiency and 
fugitive wanderings beyond India’s borders. 


This authority was established not merely by Akbar’s brilliant 
military exploits, but also by hig administrative reforms, chief 
among which was the changed attitude which he, as a Muslim ruler 
in contradistinction to his predecessors, took up towards the non- 
Muslim subjects of his Empire. He had the wit to recognize early 
that, if his throne was to be firmly established, it must rest not 
upon the feality of his co-religionists, who were greatly in the 
minority, but rather upon the broad basis of a common loyalty, 
voluntarily given by his non-Muslim as well as by Muslim subjects. 
Hence he gave Hindus equal rights with Muslims and admitted them 
to the highest grades of office in the army as well as in the civil 
administration. One of his early acts in this policy of conciliation 
was his first marriage with a Hindu Rajput princess. Later other 
marriages followed with other Rajput princesses. A few years 
after the beginning of his rule he abolished the taxes levied by his 
predecessors on Hindu pilgrims; and remitted the poll-tax on non- 
Muslims. These reforms, it is held, were the outcome of his own 
‘‘originality and courage’’ and not from the initiative ‘‘of Abu-l 
Fazl and the other persons, whose names are associated with his 
later policy in matters of religion’’ (10). Reforms, such as these, 
transformed the character of his Empire. Hinduism was again 
given freedom; and hence the feeling of the Hindus towards the rule 
of the Mogul became greatly altered. 

In 1556 when young Akbar came to the throne he held only 
a precarious authority over certain areas stretching between Agra 
and Peshawar. Then Rajputana owned the sway of the Rajput 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 153 


chiefs. Various Himalayan states likewise, including Kashmir 
which he annexed in 1586 after a war of conquest, were independ- 
ent. Bihar, Bengal and parts of Orissa were then in the hands of 
an Afghan dynasty. Malwa, as well as Gujarat, was under the rule 
of an independent chief. True, fora time Akbar’s father had oc- 
cupied the latter. Thenin 1572 by a brief and brilliant campaign 
it was again madea part of the Empire. This not only extended 
widely the area of Akbar’s dominions. It greatly enhanced also 
the Imperial revenues by means of the commerce which passed to 
and fro through Surat and other western seaboard shipping centres. 
This pleased Akbar, for he loved money as well as power. It was 
his conviction that ‘‘a monarch should be ever intent on conquest, 
otherwise his neighbours rise in arms against him’’. He certainly 
had soaring ambitions for conquest not merely throughout Hindu- 
stan, both north and south, but far beyond its north-western 
frontiers. The latter he never fully realized. Nor was he able to 
fulfil his desires for conquest in South India. However, one by 
one the kingdoms in North and Central India were added to his 
dominions until in 1576, when he conquered Bengal, all the areas, 
which comprised the Gangetic and Indus river-valleys, with the 
exception of Sind which he conquered later, owned his rule. Later 
still other small states were conquered and added. 


The conquest of Gujarat established a landmark in Akbar’s 
rule as well as in his personal life. It brought him into contact 
with the Portuguese and things Western. This influenced his later 
life and policy not a little. His boundless curiosity, tinged largely 
with cupidity, and his insatiable appetite for novelty (11) led him 
for a time at least to cultivate the Westerners with such assiduity 
that there was a time when in Portuguese circles it was fully ex- 
pected that Akbar would become a Christian. Nor were the 
Portuguese alone inthis thought. It was also in Gujarat where 
Akbar had an opportunity to experiment with plans for assessment, 
upon the basis of which the land revenues should be collected. 
This conquest gave him the chance, which he greatly desired also 
of attempting certain administrative reforms. For example, he 
sought to decrease the local authority of his fief-holders. Their 
customary powers, long inherited, had tended to predispose them 
on occasion to break into open rebellion. He effected his purpose by 
dividing the Imperial dominions into suitable administrative divis- 
ions and by placing over them his own salaried officials. Natur- 
ally this involved a graded service for state officials, which was 
formed on military lines and worked out with great elaboration. 
It tended also not only to increase officialdom and those who were 
in the pay of the Imperial service, but also to develop greater ef- 
ficiency in relation to Imperial administration. In particular it 
enhanced greatly the Emperor’s personal authority and his revenue. 


154 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Although details are lacking as to the economic conditions, which 
prevailed generally in North India during the days of Akbar and 
his immediate predecessors, yet the scattered and fragmentary 
travel and journal notes as well as the observations, made by num- 
bers of travellers and residents in Northand West India during 
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, are sufficient and have 
enough in common toenable one to form a fairly well-defined 
sketch of general economic conditions in both rural and urban 
areas in the period under review. These travellers and residents 
were: such as certain Turks and Persians (12), Jesuit missionaries 
like Monserrate, who travelled across country from Surat to Agra 
to the Court of Akbar in 1580 and left us a record of his journeys 
(13), other Westerners, officials and travellers, who, like Sir Thomas 
Roe, left us a journal of his observations while resident at the Court 
of Akbar’s son from 1615 to 1618, and other observant travellers 
such as Fitch, Finch, Bernier, Terry and Tavernier (14). 


It would seem that in Akbar’s day there was practically no 
independent aristocracy. The noble was either inthe Emperor’s 
Service or patronage and hence subject to his orders, or else was 
hig enemy. Akbar could endure no rivals within his realm. Stern 
measures with those of his own kin even marked the beginnings of 
his rule. The career, therefore, open to the upper classes. was the 
service of the Emperor. Appointments to such service were direct- 
ly under his orders. The tenure of such service was precarious. 
This tended to promote extravagance and waste among the higher 
ranks. Although these were comparatively few and, according to 
Moreland (15), were largely foreigners, yet they controlled the 
expenditure ofa large part of the income of the country. The 
masses andthe welfare of all such were entirely in their hands. 
The one dominant characteristic among the higher ranks was “the 
consumption rather than the production of wealth (16).’’ As would 
be natural under such circumstances much was spent on novelties 
and luxuries from abroad. In this Akbar set an example. He had 
supplies brought for his table from distant Badakhshan and Samark- 
and. A melon from the former place was priced at two and a half 
rupees, or about a pound sterling in modern values (17). There 
were also comparatively few of what might be called the middle 
classes, except the merchants at the seaboard centres of trade, who 
profited by the luxurious habits of the upper classes and aped their 
style of living to a greater or less extent. ‘To these should be added 
the inland traders, who, if wealthy, had to feign penury in order 
that they might keepit. Then there were the educated, such as 
the doctor, artist, or writer. These all were few and in order to 
provide adequately for their needs they naturally for the most part 
sought to attach themselves either to the Imperial Court or to one 
of the provincial viceroyalties. Half a century later when Taver- 
nier was travelling through the kingdoms of the Deccan he noted 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 155 


that no one but kings and princes seemed to have doctors. Bernier, 
in commenting on conditions in Delhia half century later than 
Akbar’s time, stated that ‘‘there is no middle state (i. e. class). A 
man must be either of the highest rank or live miserably.’’ How- 
ever, for all these professions Akbar’s reign afforded hope, even 
though from Abu-l Fazl’s lists (18) a third of both the musicians and 
doctors and three-fourths of the poets were foreigners. 


Of the labouring classes some were free. Others were slaves. 
The latter were recruited from various sources. Some came from 
Africa and Western Asia. These, however, were so expensive that 
they were counted a luxury. The sources from within India were 
by capture, voluntary and involuntary surrender. Akbar forbade 
his soldiers to capture slaves by raids. Involuntary surrender was 
in the case of such as criminals or insolvent debtors. Voluntary 
surrender into slavery, when it occurred, was often acase where 
parents in time of famine sold their children. Moreland states (19) 
that such was a normal practice not only in Akbar’s day but for 
two centuries subsequently. Children were also kidnapped for 
such purposes. This practice was long prevalent in Bengal (20). 
' Whether slave or free a surprisingly large percentage of this labour- 
ing class, especially in the urban centres, was occupied in catering 
to the personal needs of the classes that lived in luxury. However, 
this practice of having slaves obtained not merely among the upper 
classes. Della Valle states that in Surat ‘‘everybody, even of mean 
fortune, keeps a great family and is splendidly attended’’. On an 
average every fighting man in the army of Akbar’s day had two or 
three servants. Hach elephant in the royal stables had four servants, 
or even seven in the event it should be chosen for use by the Eimper- 
or. Among the free labourers the rates for service were, we are told, 
‘absurdly low when stated in terms of modern currency” (21). 
From the above it will have been noted that much of the toil of the 
labouring classes was non-productive, catering to luxury. 


In the villages the labourer was practically in the position of 
aserf. Asa serf he was not at liberty to leave his village in search 
of work. Regarding the peasant himself, Moreland, on the basis 
of the data available, holds (22) that he did not have as much 
money to spend on clothes and other comforts as the village peasant 
to-day. In unfavourable seasons his economic condition might 
drop to the level of the labourer, Warand rebellion or the oppres- 
sion of officials, as well as famine, might also work havoc to village 
life. Although on the other hand an oft-quoted phrase of writers 
is, that not infrequently peasants might be seen ploughing in their 
fields adjacent to where battles were being fought, on the outcome 
of which the destinies of a large part of India depended. Vincent 
Smith, in reading Megasthenes’ description of social conditions in 
upper India some twenty-two centuries ago, is led to note the fact 
that this description makes one aware that present up-country con- 


156 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


ditions in social structure and in daily habits have been very 
slightly. influenced by changes of rulers or by modern conditions, 
Furthermore conditions reflected in Law’s Studies in Ancient 
Hindu Polity (23) in which he deals with the political and admi- 
nistrative regulations of the Arthashastra of Kautilya bear witness 
to the same general observation. It ought to be remembered also 
that caste with its cleavages and rigours, in spite of the teachings 
of Ramananda and Kabir, existed largely as it does to-day. How- 
ever, there were not so many disintegrating factors operating in 
the social situation then as now. 


The general aspect of the country in North India must have 
been then much similar to what it is to-day. True, there were no 
railways, canals, macadamized highways or industrial centres, like 
Cawnpore and Ahmedabad. There were, however, well defined 
routes through much of the country with rest-houses where the 
traveller might lodge forthe night. Some of these routes at least 
were available for vehicle traffic. However, the navigable rivers 
then much more than now served for purposes of heavy traffic as 
well as for travel. The landscape with its flora and fauna in jungle 
and cultivated areas, its villages dotted here and there and peeping 
out amid clumps of trees must have been much as one sees to-day 
in rural areasin the North. There was, however, more jungle, 
especially in certain parts, than existsto-day. The ‘‘tarai’’ jungles 
extended much farther into the river-valley areas of the United 
Provinces and Bihar than isthe case to-day. One result of this 
must have been: a larger number of jungle animals in greater prox- 
imity to many of the villages of that time. Moreover, near Agra 
large hunting preserves were maintained for Imperial pleasure. 
Among the hills south of the Ganges and Jumna elephants were 
common; while in Malwa lions roamed the jungles. 


The houses in the villages were largely as they are to-day: 
walls of mud, sun-dried brick, or wicker-work and roofs of 
thatch, or country tile. Even in the cities the houses of the masses 
were ‘“‘huts and hovels’’, as Monserrate states in his journal, ‘and 
to have seen one city is to have seen all’’, This Jesuit missionary 
not only made the journey from Surat to Agra, but inaddition travell- 
ed with Akbar and his army through Lahore and even as far as 
Kabul, Afghanistan. Concerning the cities through which he 
passed his observation is that while from a distance their appearance 
is attractive, ‘‘but inside them all the splendour is lost in the nar- 
rowness of the streets and the hustling of the crowds. The houses 
have no windows. Rich men have gardens, ponds and fountains 
within their walls, but externally there is nothing to delight the 
eye’. 

Aside from the Imperial capital there were other large urban 
centres, such as Delhi, Allahabad, Ujjain, Ahmadabad and Ajmere. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 157 


Some of these centres European travellers of that time in India 
have compared in respect to size, as wellas in other features, to cities 
with which they were acquainted in Europe. It ought to be re- 
membered however, that industrial and commercial centres like 
Cawnpore and Karachi, or the larger Bombay and Calcutta cosmo- 
politan centres belong to times subsequent to Akbar. 


However, the period that knew Akbar looked upon many a 
curved line of beauty or of massive strength in his Imperial capital, 
38 well as in those other cities which were capitals in earlier days. 
The India of Akbar’s day and earlier by no means lacked a real 
sense of beauty or an appreciation for art. Alberuni, who had 
looked upon the beauties of a Baghdad, was impressed not only 
with the wealth of Indian cities, but also with the beauty of Indian 
architecture. Hven the casual perusal of works on Indian architec- 
ture, arts and crafts, such as those of Smith (24), Havell (25), 
Ferguson (26), and Coomaraswamy (27), is sufficient to impress one 
with the above general observation. Akbar in his time encouraged 
greatly both art and building. Almost every form of art appealed 
to his versatile mind. He hada fine judgment in architecture. 
The touch of this taste may be seen in Agra, in the deserted palace- 
city of Fathpur-Sikri and in many other centres within the bounds 
of his one-time dominions. 


In turning now to consider in some greater detail the great 
Bhakti revival in the North, already referred to briefly (28), which 
has been gathering increasing momentum and popularity as one 
approaches the times of Tulasi, and which was accompanied by a 
corresponding intellectual quickening, itis well to note some impor- 
tant facts. In the first place a new influence from. outside India 
had begun to effect the Hindu religious life of the North. This 
was the Muslim faith. Dr. Farquhar finds it scarcely noticeable in 
the literature before the opening of the fifteenth century (29). He 
ventures the conviction, however, that further investigation is like- 
ly to place the beginnings of this influence a half century earlier. 
This influence seems to have come in through the Sufi development 
in Islam. It had most in common with certain phases of the ascetic 
development. Kabir, perhaps more than anyone else, as we have 
already noted, was the great pioneer in promoting this influence. 
This same scholar is inclined to think that the Mohammedan con- 
quest with its consequent destruction of Hindu schools and other 
religious establishments and the attendant neglect of Sanskrit study 
may account in part at least for the remarkable increase in the 
literary use of the various vernaculars from the fourteenth century 
onwards. 


In tracing the factors which promoted this new influence 
mention must be made of the part played by the Court of the Muslim 
rulers. Although Arabic was their sacred language, yet their 


158 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


literary and Court language was Persian. It was rich not only in 
variety and extent but also in its elegance of style. As was natural 
it came to pass that the Hindus, attached to the Court, cultivated 
its use. Hence when Urdu arose its models were Persian. However, 
the influence of Persian went still farther afield. Athough the 
Hindi vernacular has its own separate development, nevertheless, it 
is clear that the standards of literary elegance, current in Persian, 
came in to influence the former. This is clearly noticeable in the 
middle of the sixteenth century when new literary standards make 
their appearance in Hindi. Akbar lived in the midst of this grow- 
ing time. 

Although earlier Muslim rulers had given some encourage- 
ment to literature, yet it was to Akbar among these rulers that the 
Mogul period is most indebted for a new literary development, one 
phase of which—and it was a large one—was deeply religious. Books 
in various languages were ina library established by him. Such 
works as the Bhagavata Purana were put into Persian. He was a 
liberal patron of poets not only at Court, but elsewhere throughout 
his Empire. He made Raja Birbal, a Kanauji Brahman, his poet- 
laureate. Tan Sen, a Hindu of Gwalior, who had become a Muslim, 
was his court musician. He was also a writer of Hindi verse. Ram 
Das, the father of the blind Sur Das, was also a noted musician at 
Akbar’s Court. There were other noted poets, such as Ganga Prasad 
and Abdul Rahim Khankhana, who wrote in Hindi. The latter, 
who was perhaps one of the most noted in Akbar’s day, was a son 
of Bairam Khan, who in the Emperor’s youth assisted him toa 
secure place on the Mogul throne. Abdul is said to have befriended 
Tulasi Das. 


The cultivation and encouragement of Hindu culture was 
clearly one of the features of Akbar’s liberal policy. Through the 
gifts and allotments of his predecessors Muslim religious institu- 
tions had secured land and endowments. Inthe early years of 
Akbar’s reign especially, he seems to have continued this policy 
towards his co-religionists. In addition, however, he, in keeping 
with his attitude towards his non-Muslim subjects, extended this 
same policy toward Hindu temples and to other of their religious 
endowments to the great displeasure of Badaoni, who refers to it 
when describing the revision of grants, made by Sheikh Abi-un 
Nabi, upon appointment to this authority. It appears, moreover, 
that this liberality of the Emperor toward religious endowments 
was rather a serious drain upon the Imperial revenue. 


The observations of contemporary writers make it plain that 
then as now there were very many wandering holy men, both 
Muslim and Hindu. For the most part these were the devotees of 
some chosen deity or guru. There is evidence also that pilgrimages 
were popular. These holy men and the pilgrim centres then as now 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 159 


promoted the processes of communication, especially those that are 
associated with religion. 


Up until the time which corresponds roughly with the Muslim 
conquest of North India almost all the literature which appeared 
was written in Sanskrit. However, asthe Bhakti revival grew 
apace in the North the vernaculars came more and more into religi- 
ous and literary use. It has been noted already how this happened 
in the Maratha country; and of the part which Ramananda and 
Kabir played in North Indiaas pioneers in this new religious de- 
velopment. Nanak of the Punjab, who is placed between 1469 and 
1538 A. D., ought also to be mentioned as one who both shared in 
and promoted this religious development. It remains now to mention 
others, who were sharers with them inthis revival. Among the 
earlier not a few were devotees of Krishna. Jayadeva, for example, 
who belongs in Bengal in the closing years of the twelfth century, 
wrote his Gita Govinda in the sacred Sanskrit. Early in the four- 
teenth century Krishna hymns began appearing in Bengali. By 
the middle of the fifteenth century a Vaishnava poet of Darbhanga, 
Bihar, whose name was Vidyapati Thakur, in addition to several 
_ works written in Sanskrit, made himself famous by sonnets in the 
Maithili dialect of Bihari. Umapati Dhara, whois classed asa 
contemporary of his, wrote similar hymns not only in Maithili 
but also in Bengali. These also were in praise of Krishna. The 
former became the founder of a school of singers, whose influence 
in Bengal became very widespread later (30). Many of his Mait- 
hili sonnets were put into Bengali later and became very popular 
through the work of Chaitanya (31). Chandi Das is another noted 
name of the period, connected with the Bhakti revival and the 
early Bengali literary development. Turning towards Western 
India we find in the last half of the same century in Gujarat a 
devotee of Krishna, named Narsingh Mehta, who wrote lyrics in 
that vernacular. Mira Bai, concerning whose date there is more 
or less uncertainty, is classed as the most famous of Hindi verna- 
cular poetesses. Her lyrics in praise of Krishna are in the Braj 
Bhasha dialect. S.S. Mehta, who discusses the problem of her 
date at some length (32), places her birth as late as 1498. Farquhar 
(33) and Keay, however, (34) place her ‘“‘floruit’’ about a quarter 
of a century earlier. A princessof Jodhpur, Rajputana, she became 
wedded to the heir-apparent to the throne of Mewar. However, he 
died before he came to the throne. Asa widow she was so ill-treat- 
ed by her brother-in-law, who had seized the throne after the mur- 
der of the father, that she left Chitor and became a disciple of Rai 
Das, a Ramanandi. The latter, as a disciple of Ramananda, was 
of course a devotee of Rama. Hence it is not clear why she should 
have chosen a Ramanandiasher guru. This much is clear, how- 
ever, that while her lyrics are concerned primarily with praising 
Krishna, yet the name of Rama for the deity also appears. Other 


160 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


outstanding Krishna devotees of this period and a little later were 
Vallabhacharya and his son, Vitthalnath. Although the writings of the 
former seem to have been in Sanskrit only, yet out of the religious 
sect of Krishna, which he founded, many religious writers in Hindi 
arose. His son became not only the leader of this sect, but as tradi- 
tion states, a writer of Hindi verse and of a short prose work, called 
Mandan. The original disciples of father and son were eight in 
number. Hence they were called the Ashta Chhap—the Hight Seals— 
“producing genuine poetic coin’’ (35). Sur Das was one of these to 
whom reference has been made already inthis chapter. He wasa 
contemporary of Tulasi Das. He was counted a ‘‘singer of wonderful 
power’’ (36). Many portions of the Bhagavata Purana were set 
into poetry by him in the Braj dialect. 


These all were but the outstanding religions leaders and sing- 
ers of a still larger number, who sang, wrote and preached in the 
homely vernaculars of the people; and many of these were, as has 
already been stated, from among the lowliest of the people. It was 
to singers, writers and religious leaders, such as these, that the peo- 
ple turned in these times, rather than to the repositories of old and 
sacred culture, suchas obtained among the champions of Vedic 
beliefs and ritual. This language and literature of devotion which 
grew to such proportions in the North throughout the fifteenth and 
sixteenth centuries, as had been the case in the South during the 
previous centuries, became to great masses of the people both the 
inspiration and the vehicle for expressing religious devotion. This 
language and its literature were in striking contrast to the schol- 
asticism of the Vedic and philosophical schools. It was this lang- 
uage of the heart which the masses understood and in their devot- 
ion, which, in the case of Krishna especially, was not centered ona 
wholesome or worthy object. Hence they not infrequently responded 
with such abandon and ecstatic violence that this religious develop- 
ment broke over into wild and orgiastic religious eroticism (37). 


It remains now to make some brief reference to Akbar’s 
personal religious history and programme for religious reform, as 
they undoubtedly had some influence also in creating the situation 
in which Tulasi Daslived. Akbar’s religious life and opinions have 
been greatly discussed. Beveridge (38) thinks that ‘‘he has received 
much more credit than he deserves for the depth and fervour of his 
religious feelings’’. This writer considers that he was primarily 
aruler ‘*immersed in affairs, and religion was only the occupation ~ 
of his leisure hours’’. On the other hand, however, Vincent Smith 
would give a large place in his life to things religious. Brought 
up asa Sunni the early years of his reign, as he himself acknow- 
ledges, saw him a persecutor of heretics. However, even in 
boyhood he became acquainted, through a tutor, with the Persian 
Sufis. They seem to have had a profound influence upon his life. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 16k 


Smith classes him as a life-long mystic. For example to quote this 
writer (39) ‘‘on several occasions he saw visions, which seemed to 
bring him into a direct communion with the Unknown God’’. 
This same author considers that he suffered from some form of 
epilepsy, which he holds explains his repeated attacks of melancholia 
and his restless activity, both of mind and body, in which he hurried 
from one diversion to another. 


However large a part Sufism may have played in modifying 
Akbar’s religious practice and thinking there were other influences 
also which co-operated. The Hindu yogis and sannyasis were 
much in his society. Badaoni held that the heresies of his later 
life were the result of his associations. with Hindus from boyhood 
and of his early marriages with the daughters of Raiput chiefs. 
Other religious influences played upon his life from Jain, Parsee 
and Christian associations. It is also claimed that Sheikh Mubarak 
and his two sons, Abu-l-Fazl and Faizi, especially the former, 
influenced him greatly in seeking to set up an eclectic religion, 
which would practice the principle of universal toleration. Although 
this principle seems to have been applied in relation to non-Muslims, 
he forgot it when it came to the question of his co-religionists. 
For example he prohibited them from killing cows and restricted 
their use of beef. This new religion he called ‘Din Ilahi’’, i.e. the 
“Divine Faith’’. God was one and Akbar was his vicar on earth. 
This latter phrase gave grave offense to his traditional co-religion- 
ists. Later on, it is claimed, he restricted its use to a few people in 
the harem. It would appear that he desired to make himself 
similar to Jesus. For example, he was born on Jesus’ traditional 
birthday—a Sunday. It is said that he approved of his mother being 
styled, ‘‘Miriam-makani’’, meaning ‘of the household of Mary’’. 
Akbar, according to Elphinstone, ‘seems to have mixed a good deal 
of Hindu and Parsee superstition with his Deism. For example, 
according to the statement of Abu-l-Fazl (40) such as the following: 
‘His Majesty maintains that it is a religious duty and Divine praise 
to worship fire and light’’, would seem to indicate that he was a 
fire-worshipper. It is quite probable that. in later years Akbar 
could not himself have told what he was religiously. 


It was into such a religious inheritance and social situation 
as have been sketched very briefly in the preceding paragraphs 
that the man Tulasi Das came. His name igs more commonly 
spelled as well as pronounced ‘Tulsi Das’’. The known facts 
about his life are very few indeed. However, much tradition has 
gathered about his name. As already indicated, he is said to have 
been born in 1532 A. D. The place of his birth is uncertain. Some 
locate it in Hajipur near Chitrakut and others in Hastinapur. The 
most common tradition, however, is of Rajpur, in the District of 
Banda. Tradition has it that his father’s name was Atma Ram and 


162 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


that of his mother Hulasi. His own original name is given as 
Rambola. His caste also is more or less a matter of uncertainty. 
Some authorities make him a Smarta Brahman of the Parasara 
gotra; others that he was a Kanyakubja Brahman of Kanauj. 
He was married to one who wasa great devotee of Rama. A son 
born to them died. Thereafter the wife returned to her parents. 
Tulasi, who was devoted to her, followed her to her parents’ home 
to be met with the rebuke that if he were only as devoted to Rama 
as to her the seemingly impossible could be accomplished—‘‘the 
earth would become gold’’. Stung by this rebuke and seeing in it 
a call he went out into the ‘‘homelegs life’’ never to return. 


From one of his verses (41) it would appear that his parents 
abandoned him immediately after his birth. Grierson suggests (42) 
that it is highly probable he was one of those children, who having 
been born under an unfortunate star, it was held would destroy 
its father. Hence the procedure which was deemed necessary in 
such cases, was either to abandon such a child at birth, or to dispose 
of it in such a way that for the first eight years the parents might 
not look on its face. The story goes that a wandering mendicant 
met up with it; and showed the child mercy. In the ceremony 
which followed for its purification the tulasi plant, was used, hence 
his name, “servant of the tulasi’’. This sadhu, whom Grierson 
considers was probably his guru, Narahari Das, took him on pilgrim- 
ages all over northern India. From him he learned the story of 
Rama (43). This guru is said to have been the the sixth in precep- 
torial descent from Ramananda. After Tulasi grew up and spent a 
brief life as a householder he became a sadhu, as already stated, and 
for a time made Ayodhya his headquarters. From there he journey- 
ed here and there over north India preaching the story of Rama. 
While in Ayodhya he began writing the Ramayan in the language | 
of the common people, namely the Hindi dialect of that district, 
which is called Baiswari or Eastern Hindi. Its literary descend- 
ants are the modern colloquials of Rewah and Oudh (44). This 
task was undertaken in response to a command received in a dream 
from Rama. It was begun in 1574 and finished in 1584 in Benares, 
whither he had gone because of some difficulties on points of dis- 
cipline, which arose in the former city with the religious group 
among whom he lived. Much of his later life seems to have been 
spent in Benares. Tradition has it that he visited Chitrakut, Soron 
(or Sukar-khet, where according to his Ramayan (45) he studied), 
Allahabad, and Brindaban, the great northern centre of Krishnaism. 
Although Benares, where he spent the later years of his life, was 
a great centre of Shaiva worship, yet the respect for Tulasi became 
very great indeed. At Asi Ghat in that city his room and idols are 
to be seen still. As a poet his name spread far and wide. It won 
him many friends and followers. Raja Man Sing of Amber and 
Abdul Rahim Khankhana, reference to this latter has been made 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 163 


already, were two of his more important friends. Todar Mall, a 
wealthy landowner of Benares (46), was another. The author of 
the Bhaktamala, a poem in Western Hindi, was Nabha Das. In 
his work he refers to Tulasi andis said to have been one of his 
friends. 


In 1616 India suffered from a great scourge of bubonic plague, 
which is said to have lasted eight years. One of the poet’s lesser 
works (47) refers to an attack from which he suffered. His death, 
which occurred in 1623 sometime after this attack, seems to have 
been a result of lowered vitality caused by the earlier trouble. 


The above brief notes are about all the available data concern- 
ing the life of this remarkable religious poet-leader. It is in his 
literary work that we get an insight into the fine spirit and passion 
of this devotee of Rama. As a Smarta Vaishnava, however, he 
was not only a worshipper of Rama. In addition he adhered to 
traditional Hinduism and practiced the rules of his caste. This 
meant that he was also a worshipper of Shiva. This is made plain 
in his Ramayan (47). It involved also the taking of his meals a- 
part. These latter practices brought him into conflict with the 
more thoroughgoing Vairagi Vaishnavas, who ate in groups, cast 
aside tradition and worshippped none save Vishnu or one of his 
incarnations. This was the group, according to Grierson (48), with 
which he associated and had trouble during his stay at Ayodhya. 


The skilful hand of this word-artist of homely Hindi was 
made yet more skilful and delicate in touch by the deep devotion 
he bore his hero-deity. However, his praise and high devotion to 
Rama do not exhaust themselves in this one work alone. The same 
Spirit of praise and devotion to Rama breathe through practically 
all his works, which have, come down tous. Ashas been stated 
by Grierson (49), more than a score of formal productions, in ad- 
dition to numerous short poems, have been accredited to his pen. 
But some are certainly not his and as to others it is doubtful. 
Twelve are most generally accepted as his. Aside from the Rama- 
yan they are as follows: Vinay-Patrika, which consists of hymns 
in praise of Rama and by some is considered worthy of a place 
beside the Ramayan, Gitavali, Dohavali, Krishnagitavali, Kavitavali 
Ramalala-nahachhu, Vairagy-sadipini, Barawai-Ramayan, Janaki- 
mangal, Parvati-mangal and Ramagyan-Prashn. In this list it will 
be noted that with the exception of two works they all deal in some 
way or other with Tulasi’s hero-deity. 


When Tulasi wrote in the Baiswari the period in which early 
Hindi developed out of the ancient Prakrits had about come to its 
close (50). This type of literature wags represented in the old heroic 
literature of Rajputana as well as in that of the Vaishnava reform- 
ers. Moreover much of the poetical] literature which was produced 
during the centuries under review inthe North, was connected 


164 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


with one or other of the various developments of Vaishnavism. 
Hindi therefore in the beginning centuries of its development is 
to a surprisingly large degree a religious literature. 


Grierson calls attention to the fact that Tulasi’s Ramayan 
exercised a much larger influence than if it had been composed in 
a dialect of Western Hindi, such as the Braj dialect. The Baiswari, 
which is easily understood throughout the whole Gangetic river- 
valleys, isa form of speech that stands midway between Western 
Hindi on the West and Bihari, one of the principal languages of 
Eastern India. Hence his work was intelligible to the speakers of 
both of these groups of languages (51). This meant that it became 
understandable as well as greatly prized to millions of Hindus living 
‘‘between Bengal and the Punjab and between the Himalayas and 
the Vindhyas’’. 


Although Tulasi wrote in the Baiswari, yet, as Kellogg observ- 
es (52), ‘the allowed himself the utmost freedom in drawing gram- 
matical forms from various Hindi dialects, and even from the Prakrit 
and Sanskrit (Or is it ag Grierson thinks (53) the he was never 
a good scholar in the latter tongue), as the exigencies of the metre 
or his fancy often might suggest’’. In this very freedom of his we 
have the evidence that he was concerned in something much great- 
er than writing poetry in correct traditional style. This would have 
been Sanskrit with its greatly elaborated rules as to the proper use 
of words and figures of speech. ‘Tulasi was well aware that in de- 
parting from the beaten track of standardized, poetic form he was 
inviting attack from pandit circles. He has given us his answer 
(54) to this attack which he anticipated his production would call 
forth from sticklers for form. 


He did not write in Sanskrit for he was much more than a 
poet, writing for a cultured few. He desired most of all to reach 
the masses of the people with his message about his hero-diety, 
Rama. This willingness to brave criticism, which he was keenly 
aware would fall upon him because of his choice to write his story 
in the vulgar dialect of the common people, is adequate evidence 
that he was one who possessed not merely unselfish ideals, but also 
that he had something of the prophet spirit, calling people to what 
he counted as higher interests. The very fact that he could keep 
on at this task in the face of opposition shows that within his own 
life he had built up what might be called an ideal world-order in 
which his deity, Rama, was the centre and sustainer. Although 
there are other deities, Rama to him is the Supreme and takes the 
place of the cosmic Brahman, with whom at times he is identi- 
fied (55). 

While other Vaishnava teachers and reformers concerned 
themselves with forming sects, Tulasi put his convictions into the 
already ‘‘familiar framework of an ancient legend’’. For the most 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 165 


part these others are forgotten. His name, on the contrary, isa 
household word, both in peasant’s hut and raja’s palace. Where- 
ever Hindi is spoken his name is deeply revered. This was true, 
even within a century after his death. 


However, the very popularity of his work has brought a grave 
problem; for it has greatly multiplied the re-handling of this, hig 
more renowned work. Growse states (56) that as late as 1800 A. D. 
a manuscript in Tulasi’s own handwriting existed in Rajpur, the 
town which, according to tradition, was founded by the poet him- 
self. In that same year a devotee of his stole this copy and fleeing, 
because pursued, he threw it into the river from which it was re- 
covered later. The water had damaged it so seriously that the . 
central portion alone remained legible. It is said that in the temple 
there this fragment is still preserved. Previous to the publication 
of the Maharaja of Benares’ issue of this work he is said to have 
employed a copyist to consult the original. Just what this meant 
isnot known. So alsois the reported ‘‘handling of the original 
manuscript’’ by one Mahant Ram Charan, who prepared a comment- 
ary on the text, which was printed in Lucknow by Naval Kishore. 
It is highly improbable that this statement has any reference to 
any real critical handling of the manuscript material. This is the 
task that waits upon someone who is really qualified to deal with 
it along the lines of historical criticism. There are many editions 
of this work. The one which at present is recognized as the stand- 
ard has been issued by the Nagari Pracharini Sabha, Benares. In 
the tercentenary year of Tulasi’s death this same Sabha issued a 
serviceable edition of this writer’s principal works in three volumes. 


The influence which this work has exercised over the millions 
of Hindus in North India is truly remarkable. In a large way 
Tulasi interpreted the needs and aspirations of the people of his 
day, and in the characters of Rama and the dutiful Sita gave to 
them two much purer and high-minded objects for their devotion 
than had thus far been offered in the whole Bhakti development. 
With the hand of a master-artist he has painted such a picture of a 
noble, high-minded Rama and his beautiful, faithful wife Sita, 
that these two have ever since remained in non-erotic Hindu circles 
and even beyond the models of kingly nobleness and wifely duty 
toward which the worthy of both sexes aspire. It is really hard to 
over-estimate the influence which these two high ethical objects of 
religious devotion have exercised on North India in saving the people 
from the crudities and licentiousness of the various primitive cults 
on the one hand, and on the other from the bestial and orgiastic 
practices of some of the Sakti phases of the Krishna worship. 


166 


(1). 
(2). 
(3). 
(4). 
(5). 
(6). 
(7). 
(8). 
(9), 

(10). 

(11). 

(12). 

(13). 

(14). 

(15). 

(16). 

(17). 

(18). 

(19). 

(20). 

(21). 

(22). 

(23). 

(24). 

(25). 

(26). 


(27). 


(28). 
(29). 
(30). 


(31). 
(32). 
(33). 
(34). 
(35). 
(36). 
(37). 


(38), 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


REFERENCE NOTES, 
Ranade, Rise of Maratha Power, p. 50. 
Beni Prasad, History of Jahangir, p. 38. 
Farquhar, Outline, Relgs. Lit. of India, p. 284. 
E. R. E., (XII), p. 470. 
a9" 99 99 99 ” ” 
Smith, Oxford History of India, p. 223. 
i Akbar, p. 417, 
Grierson, J. R. A. S., (1903), p. 455. 
Smith, Oxford History of India, p. 321. 
4s uf * ¥ p. 346, 
Lane-Poole, Mediaeval India, p. 283. 
Smith, Akbar, p. 459 ff. 
Memoirs, Asiatic Society of Bengal, (III), 9, pp. 513—704. 
Oaten: Travels in India (This work has a good bibliography). 
Moreland, India at Death of Akbar, p. 279. 
: ibid,, p. 94. 
BAL east 
p. 
7 eee 
p. 
Daoo: 
ee son Gaye 
N. Law, Studies in Ancient Hindu Polity, New York, (1914). 
Smith, History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, p. 410. 
Havell, Indian Architecture, p. 11. 
Ferguson, Hist. of Indian and Eastern Architecture, ( Revised by 
Burgess ). 
Coomaraswamy, The Arts and Crafts of India, London and Edin- 
burg, (1913). 
p. 146. 
Farquhar, ibid., p. 284. 
Kennedy, The Chaitanya Movement (Relgs. Life of India Series), pp. 
39, 47. 
4 4 i pp. 142, 147. 
S.S. Mehta, in Indian Interpreter (Jul. 1919), pp. 75 ff. 
Farquhar, ibid., p. 306. 
Keay, A History of Hindi Literature, p, 29. 
Farquhar, ibid., p. 316, 
9 ”) %? 
D. C. Sen, History Bengali Language and Literature, p. 439 f. 


Bhandarkar, Vaishnavism, Saivism, &c., p. 82 ff. 
E. R. E., (1), p. 270. 


(39). 
(40). 
(41). 
(42). 
(43). 
(44). 


(45). 
(46). 
(47). 
(48). 
(49). 


(50). 
(51). 
(52). 
(53). 
(54). 
(55). 
(56), 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Smith, Oxford Hist. of India, p. 367 f. 
ae Bey EEL); pe 2 7s 

Vinay-Patrika, p. 227. 2. 

E. R. E., (XII), p. 470. 

Ramayan, I, 30. 


Kellogg, Grammar of the Hindi Language (2nd Ed., 


Enlarged, London, 1892), p. 67. 
Ramayan, I, Doha*30. 
E.R. E., (XII), p. 470. 
Ramayan, I, 33.3. 
E.R. E., (XII), p. 470. 
a ae 3 470, 
Jour., Royal Asiatic Soc., (1903), p. 450, 
Ency. Brit., (XIII), p. 484. 
Grierson, J. R. A. S., (1903), p. 456. 
Kellogg, ibid., p. 78. 
E. R. E., (XII), p. 470. 
Ramayan, I, 11.12. 
ny I, 116.6. 
Growse, Ramayan of Tulsi Das, Introduction, p. XII. 


167 


Revised and 


168 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


CHAPTER VII 


THE PRESUPPOSITIONS AND SOURCES REFLECTED 
IN TULASI’S RAMAYAN. 


Tulasi was born and nurtured in a social situation in which 
the social inheritance held the Rama legend asa part of its trad- 
itional material. Tulasi himself tells us (1) that as a boy he learn- 
ed the story of his hero-deity from the lips of the one who adopted 
him, It is still uncertain, as has been indicated already (2), just 
how early this Rama legend became the concern of acult. How- 
ever, it is highly probable that inasmuch as the incarnation-notion 
had long since become a popular one, it would grow very quickly 
once it became attached toa pleasing and appealing hero, such as 
Rama. 


However, traditional material is never passed on just as it is 
received from the earlier generation. Hither consciously or—what is 
more generally the case—unconsciously it is modified toa greater 
or lesser extent in the process of passing on what has been received. 


This is true in particular in cases where any special part of the 
traditional material comes to form the ‘‘stuff’’ out of which some 
new, religious technique is shaped up with a view to meeting some 
new, felt need. In the earlier chapters of this study, which ig 
being pursued, attention has already been called to the fact that in 
the different emerging developments in India’s religious history 
this process has received ample verification. For example, the 
sacrifice-traditional material, brought over from pre-Indian days, 
gathers to itself a growing importance. For reasons already stated 
it gets more and more into the focus of interest and attention. 
As it does so it becomes more and more modified, until in the last 
stages of the process it becomes the centre from which is projected 
a cosmic-construct. But sacrifice thus conceived has become vastly 
different from its earlier significance. This vast change grew out 
of the fact that this particular Aryan traditional material became 
the religious technique, par excellence, whereby certain religious 
needs in a certain social situation were sought to be met. As we 
have seen already the same process, with some varying features, 
characterized the ascetic development. This modification of trad- 
itional material is accelerated also to the extent that that portion 
of it, which comes into service in some new religious development, 
tends to give release to felt tensions and conflict points in the social 
Situation. Furthermore the practices of such a technique become 
associated more or less intimately with emotional tone. 


However, it is true that not only groups but individuals also 
tend to modify more or less consciously their traditional material 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 169 


in the interests of changing situations. This is especially true in 
the case of leaders of groups and of those possessing the reformer’s 
spirit. Although in the beginnings especially all such may be 
confined tothe use of the terminology, current in their group’s 
traditional material, yet, even so, they use it with a more or less 
qualified and specific meaning with intent to construct some type 
of ideal social order, which they are convinced should become 
actualized in their group’s life. From the ideal social order in 
which all such ideally “live and move and have their being’”’ they 
get inner reinforcement. This enables them not only to turn back 
and criticize the existent social order of which they form a part, 
but in addition it inspires them in endeavoring to bring in this new 
social order into their group. The Hebrew prophets furnish one 
of the most striking illustrations of such a process. However, it is 
by no means confined to them. This same process may be seen 
operating inthe activities and thinking of everyone, who drinks 
deep of the spirit of the reformer. Tulasi to some extent at least 
possessed this spirit. It must be confessed, however, that it is not 
so marked in him asit wasin Kabir. In many respects, as we 
shall have occasion to show presently, he was very much of a trad- 
‘itionalist. He comes tothe writing of his Ramayan under the 
control of a certain definite purpose and with certain presuppos- 
itions, which are a part of the social inheritance of his day. 


Tt will be the purpose of the present chapter to indicate, as — 
best one may, both the presuppositions and the sources of Tulasi’s 
work ag they stand reflected in the Ramayan. The former of 
these tasks is much easier than the latter as real textual and sound 
literary criticism have not been employed as yet to separate out the 
various sources. Furthermore, it is not yet clear just how much 
of the Tulasi material may have been re-worked by later hands in 
the interests of some parallel or divisive religious development (3). 


The social inheritance of every group, whether ancient or 
modern, carries within itself and promotes also the currency of a 
vast amount of traditional material that has never been critically 
examined. This material is almost infinite both as to its variety 
as well as in its relationships, not alone with the ancestors of the 
group or groups in which this material has become current, but 
also with the god and demon world of these ancestors. This trad- 
itional material, among other things, consists of stories having an- 
cestral and religious significance, which are to be found embedded 
not only in an ancient, sacred literature, but alsoin oral tradition, 
and in current songs. I[t consists also of social institutions, such 
as caste, with all its related customs, habits, attitudes and notions. 
It is made up also of customary religious habits, attitudes, notions 
and speculations, whether crude or more or less philosophical. The 
eperation of all such in any group breeds a vast progeny of notions, 


170 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


codes and faiths, which all goto make up what bears the name of 
traditional material. 


The masses of any group, who live largely according to the 
social inheritance and its traditional material, are naturally pre- 
judiced in favour of this material, as they have been nurtured in it 
constantly from their childhood. Consequently it is closely in- 
tegrated with all their activities and thinking. Moreover its long 
usage and general currency in the group have tended to give the 
material a more or less pronounced emotional tone. This in turn 
promotes among these masses strong inhibitions to the critical hand- 
ling of all traditional material, and in particular that which is con- 
nected with religious practices and thinking as it all comes rein- 
forced by divine sanctions. 


One of the fundamental differences between modern groups 
and those that have been retarded in developing a general and 
liberal culture is in the attitude of such groups towards the tradition- 
al material, especially that element of it which is connected with 
religious practices and beliefs. The growingly modern group, 
in which historical-mindedness has begun to exercise a powerful 
influence, has become sufficiently objective-minded with reference 
to its traditional material as to possess both the courage as well as 
the insight to see the necessity for the critical handling of its trad- 
itional material. The great scientific, historical, and social science 
disciplines of the present-day West have been the major factors in 
promoting this newer typeof mind. The fundamental motive in 
such a handling of a group’s traditional material is for the most 
part worthy and deserving of high praise. It is with a view to the 
elimination of the foolish and harmful and the conservation of the 
good in all such material in order that it all may be based upon 
deeper and more enduring foundations. However, from the stand- 
point of a backward and retarded racial or religious group sucha 
handling of traditional material, whether social or religious, is not 
only a most reprehensible heresy, worthy of punishment in the 
lowest hell, but also the most heinous of sins. 


Many Western groups have long since begun the critical ex- 
amination of the traditional material of their own as well as that of 
others with a conviction and a thoroughness that have yielded large 
results. Some of these latter, however, have been injurious to the 
groups concerned, largely and for the most part only in cases where 
the dominating motive has been destructive rather than construc- 
tive. Wherever and to the degree that the major purpose has been 
the latter, the important results have been wholly good. Ag yet in 
India this process of examining critically the traditional material 
of racial, religious, or caste groups has hardly begun. ‘The reasons 
are obvious and have been indicated above. Such work as has been 
done thus far has been very largely that of Westerners; and it is 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 171 


with regret that one is compelled to state that in not afew cases 
the dominant motive has been destructive rather than constructive. 
On the other hand, however and in the case of only a small number 
from the West, the handling has been so fulsomely sentimental 
that one cannot call it a critical examination of India’s traditional 
material with a view to finding what isin the interests of true 
social and individual development and what is otherwise. The 
writings (4) of Miss Margaret Noble (Sister Nivedita) is an illus- 
tration of this sentimentalist type; while such works as that of 
Abbe Dubois (5) furnish one for the former, Neither the one type 
nor the other uses the critical methods in a legitimate or wholesome 
manner. However, from the beginnings of the awakening of West- 
ern interest in India and her ancient culturea growing group of 
Western scholars has continued distinctively constructive in the 
treatment of her traditional material. In these days they are being 
ably supported and in some cases even surpassed by a comparatively 
small, yet rapidly growing group of Indians of ripe scholarship, 
schooled more or less definitely in the disciplines of the historical 
and social sciences. These scholars, such as the two Bhandarkars 
and Radhakrishnan, to mention but three, are bringing critical 
methods to bear upon the examination of some phase or other of 
India’s vast array of traditional material. As is natural and as is 
especially true in India, their splendid efforts are looked at askance, 
and not infrequently with grave discredit by those who are wedded 
to India’s past. All such historical-minded scholars are worthy 
of high praise. Theirs isa difficult task, which demands a high 
degree of moral courage to enable them to keep on at their task. 
The dead weight of tradition andthe attendant and age-long ac- 
cumulated emotional tone, with which this traditional material is 
suffused, stand as vigorous opponents across the pathway of all such 
scholars and their task. However, the pathway is being cleared, 
even though slowly. 


When one begins to turn even casually the pages of Tulasi’s 
work one’s mind very quickly becomes impressed with the wild, 
exuberant growth of traditional material, which springs from India’s 
past, and is rooted even down tothe present in her social inherit- 
ance. Its variety and extent, as exhibited in Tulasi’s Ramayan, 
are almost endless. In some manner or other itis related with 
things animate and inanimate, such as gods, demons, men, animals, 
birds, fish, mountains, rivers, lakes and forces of nature, in fact, 
practically everything that is supposed to exist in earth, sea, or 
the heavens. 


Hence the presuppositions in this work are many indeed. We 
turn now to refer more or less briefly to the more important of 
these. First among such presuppositions one may mention the 
Hindu ages of the world. These are presupposed in Tulasi’s work (6). 


172 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


This theory of the four ages of the world became established 
during the period of the Epic and the Puranas (7). These ages 
are: the Krita, Treta, Dvapara, and Kali. These, as Jacobi informs 
us (8), were terms which in the period of the Brahmanas, were 
employed to describe the four faces of the dice cubes! It would 
be interesting to know how it came about that these terms first 
came into use in the working out of thisdoctrine. Do we not get an 
insight here into how many—both rulersand holy men even—spent 
their leisure hours? Krita, the lacky side of the cube, has four 
dots. Hence, in that age religion was at its perfection. Then all 
were good and devout. Treta is the side with the three dots, 
Dvapara has two and Kali only one. In this same diminishing rate 
each succeeding age registers the decline in true religion and devot- 
ion. There is also a descending scale in the length of years in each 
age. Each age also has a dawn and a twilight with a corresponding 
decrease in length. The Krita age lasts four thousand years and 
has a dawn and twilight of four hundred years. Whereas Kali, the 
last and worst in which Tulasi as well as people of to-day live, is 
only a thousand years in duration with a hundred years of dawn 
and twilight. These four ages form a Mahayuga, or great age, and 
a thousand of these latter form a Kalpa, the period, which it is held, 
lies between each successive creation and destruction of the world. 
This theory that the world is the object of periodic creations and 
destructions is indeed very old. Jacobi holds that it is inferred from 
X.8. 39,40 of the Atharva-Veda (9). This same scholar is inclined 
to think that originally the Mahayuga was supposed to represent 
the entire span of the world’s existence. According to Hindu trad- 
ition Rama lived in the last period of the second age, while the 
Great War, which is described in the Mahabharata, it is held, was 
fought at the close of the third age. Tulasi in this work refers again 
and again to the fact that his is the Kaliage. In the earlier ages sacri- 
fice and ascetic meditation were adequate to attain salvation (10). 
But in this worst of all ages Rama alone (11) can bestow such a 
boon. Inthe Kali age the whole world is filled with deceit, viol- 
ence, pride, enmity, heretical doctrines, arrogance, appalling ignor- 
ance, sensuality and all other imaginable evil passions. The powers 
of darkness are worshipped with vows, fastings, prayers and sacri- 
fice. Although the rice is sown it does not germinate; and the 
gods withhold rain from the earth (12). This is the world in which 
Tulasi lived and he had no hope for its betterment. Even a real 
devotee of Rama is hard to find in such an age (13). 


Questions as to the origin and structure of the universe as well 
as cosmological problems, that developed therefrom, began to be 
reflected in the early literature as far back as the time of that 
remarkable one hundred and twenty-ninth hymn of the tenth book 
of the Rig-Veda (14). Speculations, such as this hymn reflects, are, 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 173 


in India, as elsewhere, the early tokens of the emergence of thinking 
on some phase or other of the great cosmological problems. How 
long unrelated bits of this type of thinking had continued in the 
flux of the social inheritance prior to becoming registered in the 
structure in which we find it in this hymn, it is impossible to state. 
This much is clear: that at the time of the Rig-Veda widely dif- 
fering notions were current. Efforts were made by the poets and 
others to bring these varying and more or less crude notions into 
some more orderly and rational relationship. However, as far as 
notions as to the origin of the world are concerned this was never ac- 
complished successfully. Evidences of this are to be found reflect- 
ed in the presuppositions of Tulasi’s work. With reference to the 
structure of the universe, however, there hag not been such wide 
divergences as is the case in the question of origins. 


In the Vedic period the world was thought of as divided into 
three parts: earth, air and sky. The last division is not infrequently 
referred to as the heavens. However, when the notion of the Uni- 
verse is expressed ‘‘heaven and earth”’ is the phrase most commonly 
used. These latter are regarded both as deities and again as the 
parents of the deities. This incongruity is thought of as a deep 
mystery, rather than asa contradiction. Then again it is sometimes 
one deity and sometimes all of them, taken together, that are thought 
of as producing the world. This work of producing the world is 
described by terminology and processes which were familiar to their 
every-day group experiences. The world was originally produced 
by sacrificing, according to some descriptions. By others, it was by 
weaving, by building, or by conception and birth. As illustrative 
of this last notion, Aditi stands as the female principle and Daksha 
as the male. The latter is thought of asthe primeval male. His 
more common name is Purusha. The ninetieth hymn of the tenth 
book of the Rig-Veda is dedicated to him. Variations of this no- 
tion are to be found in later texts (15). This deity which is de- 
scribed as the cause of the world’s origin has other appellations, such 
as Vishvakarma—‘‘The All-Creator’’ (16). In another place he is 
addressed as Prajapati—‘‘Lord of the subjects’ (17). Later on this 
latter term comes to be the general one, used to describe the Creator. 
Hiranyagarbha, the golden germ, seems to have connections with 
the other two terms just mentioned, in which the deity is thought 
of originally as issuing from the primeval waters. This latter no- 
tion received further attention and development into the world-egg 
notion, as exhibited in the Satapatha Brahmana (18). In the Brah- 
mana texts although several terms are used to designate the Creator 
of the world, yet Prajapati is the most common. When we turn to 
the Upanishadic literature, however, we frequently find Brahman, 
Atman, or some other abstract term used in the place of Prajapati. 
The growth of this rationalizing process has been dealt with already 
in an earlier chapter (19). At this stage of the development, ag re- 


174 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


flected in the Upanishads, this first principle of the Universe, after 
having created the latter, enters into its creation so that it is present 
in it; and although in some respects this first principle is different 
from its creation, yet in other respects it is identical therewith. 
However, even at this later stage of development in thinking there 
still remained a great variety of opinion on the problem of the or- 
iging of the world. Unity in any broad fundamental idea, inclusive 
of the lesser divergences, had not been achieved. The Vedic notions, 
regarding the structure of the Universe, continue through the Brah- 
mana and Upanishadic periods. ; 


When we come to the Epic and Puranic periods the description 
of the creation of the Universe is one of the five principal topics, 
dealt within the Puranas. Hence, in this period there is an added 
effort to unify the differing theories, but without success. Jacobi 
has summed up (20) what these were. These systems, exhibited in 
greater detail in the Mahabharata and the Puranas, made use of the 
Sankhya philosophical system upon which to base their cosmogonic 
theories. Early ideas out of which the Sankhya scheme of thinking 
took its beginnings may be found in notions, such as those in the 
Brihadaranyaka U panishad (21), where Atman in the shape of a man 
(the term “purusha’’ is used) is made the cause of the world. Accord- 
ing to the Sankhya system, which became developed later, the two 
fundamental principles from which all else springs and which are 
mutually independent are: the Purusha, the soul principle, which 
is a silent onlooker like a spectator at a play, and Prakriti, matter 
or nature, which is like a dancing girlon the stage. This Prakriti 
is made up of three qualities, which are called gunas. They are 
darkness, activity and goodness, in a state of equilibrium. When 
this equilibrium is disturbed by the presence of the onlooker, Puru- 
sha, then the thinking substance, called Mahan or Buddhi, is evolv- 
ed from the activity of Prakriti, the dancing girl. Then in turn 
Ahamkara is produced from which the conceit of individuality 
springs. This again produces the mind, the five organs of sense, the 
five organs of action and the five subtle elements. This last group 
through combining with one another, constitutes the five gross ele- 
ments, which are space, fire, wind, water and earth. These form 
the Sankhya’s twenty-five principles. 


The above, which represents the fundamental features of the 
Sankhya, were not left unmodified by those who shaped up the de- 
scriptions of the origins of the world in those parts of the Mahabha- 
rata, which deal with thistopic. They seem to have worked over 
the traditional material of the Sankhya school in the interests of 
the Vedic cosmogonic traditional material. A modification of Sankh- 
ya material has taken place also in the Puranas to bring it into 
agreement with the Vedantic doctrine regarding the unity of the 
Supreme Brahman. This is done by positing that the Purusha and 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 175 


Prakriti of the Sankhya are nothing more than modes of the Sup- 
reme Brahman. Furthermore, in the Puranas this Supreme Brah- 
man is identified now with one popular deity and now with another, 
according to the sectarian character of any particular Purana. For 
example, inthe Vishnu Puranathe Supreme deity is Vasudeva. 
Although he is originally and in reality one without a second, yet 
on the other hand this same deity is conceived of as existing in the 
two fundamental entities of the Sankhya: the Purusha and Prakriti, 
or the Pradhana (the term more commonly used), and Kala, thought 
of as time. This latter acts as the link connecting the two former. 
From these are evolved the succession of qualities and elements as 
set forth in the Sankhya. The Puranic notion, which is added to 
the above, is: that in the evolving process each successive element is 
encased in the one out of which it issues. For example, the world- 
egg is the gross elements, referred to above, which are combined in 
this form. This world-egg rests upon the primeval waters and 
which in turn, in addition to water, is surrounded also by wind, 
fire, air, Ahamkara, Buddhi and Pradhana, or Prakriti. In this 
world-egg the Supreme Brahman when characterized by the part- 
icular Sankhya quality (guna), which is activity, appears as Brahma, 
who is thought of as the Creator of the Universe and of all things 
therein. Then the Supreme, characterized as another of the Sankh- 
ya qualities: goodness, appears as Vishnu, who preserves the Uni- 
verse until the end ofa kalpa. Then inthe end of a kalpa it is 
Rudra, who is but another form of the Supreme, by whom the Uni- 
verse is destroyed. Thus it was that the Sankhya, which scholars 
hold quite generally was originally atheistic, became integrated, 
evidently through its general acceptance, with some of the outstand- 
ing features of the current mythology. Here we have the re-work- 
ing of a philosophical system in the interests of popular beliefs. 
_ These mythological elements are many in the system of things, 
which is set forth in the Puranas. For example, in the beginning 
of a kalpa, Narayana, as a monster boar, brought the earth up from 
beneath the waters and created the four lower world-divisions: 
earth, sky, heaven and Maharloka. There are nine of these creat- 
ions. Then, when the creation of the world had been completed by 
Brahma, he turned to create others like himself. As to the number 
and names of these the Puranas do not agree. Then Manu Svayam- 
bhuva was created by Brahma. From hima daughter was born 
and she was married to one of the ‘‘mind-born’’ deities, created by 
Brahma. Daksha was his name. He became the progenitor of a 
great many mythological creatures, many of these are personified 
vices and virtues. 


The various notions about the divisions of the world were 
never welded into a unity. For example, in the Yogabhashya (22), 
which is ascribed to Vyasa and placed in the seventh century, A. D., 
the description given is not only more detailed but somewhat dif- 


176 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


ferent from that, common tothe Puranas. The entire system of 
worlds is represented as existing in the world-egg, which in turn is 
thought of asa very small part of the Pradhana or Prakriti. The 
entire system has seven divisions, one above another. The lowest, 
called Bhurloka, extends from the lowest hell to the summit of 
Meru, the fabled mountain where the gods have their palaces and 
pleasure parks. The three highest divisions form together the tri- 
partite world of Brahma. The lowest, Bhurloka, is divided again 
into hells, Patalas and the earth. Of the hells there are seven, one 
above the other. There are also seven Patalas, one above the other. 
Above these last sevenis the eighth, which ig the earth with its 
seven continents. Each of these divisions is peopled with various 
beings. In the lowest dwell the Rakshasas, Bhutas, Pretas and other 
such beings, as are bent on doing evil. Here also are to be found 
many of the servants of the deities, such as the Asuras and Gandh- 
arvas. The deities in the highest divisions live by contemplation. 
Those that have attained to the second highest division, Tapaloka 
(an indication of the esteem accorded the ascetic way of life), are 
not rebern in a lower sphere. This whole schema of world-divis- 
ions bears the marks of those who were embued with ascetic ideas 
and aspirations. The schema of the worlds, set forth in the Pura- 
nas, although differing somewhat from that in the Yogabhashya, 
betrays similarly its ascetic sympathies. This latter system of worlds 
in the world-egg isin three divisions, the middle one being the 
earth. This portion is in the shape of an enormous disk some five 
hundred millions of yojanas in extent. It contains continents and 
seas and is surrounded by the great Lokaloka mountain. The 
upper division constitutes the heavens and the lower Patala. How- 
ever, still another schema has currency in which the Universe con- 
sists of two main divisions, each in turn having seven subdivisions. 
The lowest subdivision of the upper main region is the earth. The 
lower main division, called Patala, is made up of the seven lower 
subdivisions. This whole schema makes up what has been called 
“the fourteen worlds’’. However, these have the hells added to 
them. These lie in the lowest parts of the Universe. However, 
their relations to the rest are not clear. In Manu (23) there are 
twenty-one such hells. But in the Vishnu Purana (24) there seems 
to be uncertainty about the number. Wilson in his great work on 
the Vishnu Purana discusses this point (25). Patala’s regions are 
filled with all that is wonderful and beautiful. Here dwell the 
Nagas, Daityas and Danavas. Each of these lower regions is ten 
thousand yojanas in depth. According to some each yojana is equal 
to nine English miles; while according to others it is about five. 
The foundations of Patala are supposed to rest upon the head of an 
immense dragon, called Shesha Naga. Regarding the seven upper 
worlds it was held that at the end of each kalpa the lowest three 
suffer destruction. However, no one of these general schemes art- 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION pyr 


iculates well with any other, which makes it clear that we have 
here strands of traditional material which have been brought to- 
gether from various sources. These notions with their attendant 
confusion and vagueness, regarding the origins and the structure of 
the created Universe, are reflected frequently in Tulasi’s work. 
They constitute one of its outstanding presuppositions. 


The Maya doctrine is another prominent presupposition in 
the Ramayan (26). It is a part of the Vedantic philosophical devel- 
opment. Already a brief reference has been made to this doctrine 
(27). Traces of the use of this term begin to appear in extant liter- 
ature as early asthe Rig-Veda. There the term is used to describe 
certain remarkable powers, both natural and supernatural, as well 
as the quality of cunning. ‘These powers and this cunning are call- 
ed “maya’’. They are attributed alike to gods, demons and natural 
objects. For example, Indra by the power of maya conquers the 
demons, who on their part use this power also (28). By the use of 
maya this same deity assumes many forms (29). Similar powers 
are attributed to Rama (30). It is by means of maya also that the 
sun and moon succeed each other (31). Inthe Atharva-Veda (32) 
success in gambling may be secured by maya’s aid. It isin the 
Shvetashvatara Upanishad (33) where this term begins to be used 
to designate not merely the skill of the one who uses the maya, but 
this also: the illusion, which is created in the mind of the one who 
beholds the skill. In the later philosophical thinking it is in this 
latter sense that the term is used almost exclusively. In the hands 
of Shankaracharya and the successors in his philosophical school it 
becomes the technical term for illusion. 


With the growth of the Brahman-Atman speculation (34) 
grew also the tendency to deny the reality of the empirical world. 
In the time of the Upanishads this doctrine became firmly rooted. 
Evidence of this may be found as early asthe Brihadaranyaka (35) 
and Chhandogya Upanishads (36). Inthe former it is taught by 
Yajnavalkya that when the Atman is seen, heard, apprehended and 
known, the whole Universe is known. In the latter it is declared 
that the Atman is all the world. However, in the Upanishads this 
notion is not as clear-cut as it becomes later. There still remains 
a recognition that the world does exist, even though the Atman is 
the sole reality. Furthermore, it is held in the Upanishads that 
ignorance is merely the absence of correct knowledge; whereas in 
the full-blown Vedantic thought it is rather an activity which 
deludes the self into accepting the illusion of the empirical world 
as real. 


The philosophical system of the Vedanta is one of non-duality. 
Hence, its doctrine of maya sets it over against the Sankhya system 
of duality. The Vedanta teaches that the empirical world is non- 
existent, Its apparent reality arises through maya, which is due to 


178 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


ignorance on man’s part. Salvation comes to man when he realizes 
that he is not a separate individual, but rather one with the Brah- 
man-Atman. Gaudapada’s Mandukya Karika (87) is oneof the 
most important early works on the Vedanta. Some place this au- 
thor, one of whose pupils was a teacher of Shankaracharya, in the 
sixth century, A. D. However, others (38) place him as late as the 
eighth. In this work we have the Maya doctrine elaborated into 
a definite philosophical tenet. He built his thinking up around 
this doctrine. The empirical world is like the world of dreams: un- 
real, or like the rope taken for asnake. In the later commentaries, 
written by Shankara, the non-duality of Gaudapada’s system of 
thinking was wrought into the shape in whichit has continued 
ever since. 


Both the terminology and the theories of the great philosoph- 
ical schools of thought in India are reflected in many passages in 
Tulasi’s work. In some of these in particular there is a mingling 
of both phraseology and ideas, taken from these various schools of 
thought. This is especially true in the first and last books of the 
Ramayan. Ina chaupai (39) of the Uttarkand one runs upon clear 
evidence in terminology and thought of the Vedanta with its Maya 
speculation, also of the Sankhya and Yoga and something even of 
the Nyaya philosophy. For example, Rama is the ‘‘sachchidanandh- 
an’’—the totality of existence, knowledge and bliss. He is the 
one of whom no qualities can be predicated, the one who is beyond 
the range of either speech or perception. He is without form, with- 
out illusion. All this is Vedantic both in phraseology and ideas. 
Rama isthe ‘‘vyapak’’ and the ‘‘vyapy’’—the permeator and the 
permeated. These are technical terms in the Nyaya system. Rama 
is represented as “viraj’’—passionless and ‘‘prakritipar’’—beyond 
nature. Then again Maya is personalized asa dancing-girl on the 
stage, dancing before the onlookers. This phraseology, its ideas 
and symbolism are Sankhya- Yoga. 

The Sankhya and the Yoga were originally two separate sys- 
tems of thinking. The latter was also a system of practice. It ig 
regarded generally asa part of the Sankhya; since the former ap- 
propriated the latter’s principal doctrines concerning cosmology, 
psychology, emancipation, etc. In contradistinction to the Sankh- 
ya, however, the Yoga rejected the former’s atheistic doctrines, even 
though the notion of a deity does not inhere naturally in the Yoga 
system. It was added only later and became increasingly prom- 
inent in this school of thinking—a witness tothe strength of the 
needs of the human heart. The other distinct doctrine in which it 
differed from the Sankhya is in its emphasis upon absorption as the 
means whereby emancipation-knowledge is secured. It is this 
latter doctrine and its attendant practice which gives this system 
itsname. The term ‘‘yoga’’ in its original signification means yok- 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 179 


ing. Later it came to bea technical term to indicate separation of 
the self from the sense-world without and concentration of thought 
within. Yoga practice relates to a certain scheme of bodily attitud- 
es, breath inhalation and exhalation, and the fixing of the gaze up- 
on some definite point, such as the tip of the nose. These all are 
the external means whereby a condition of hypnosis is super-induc- 
ed, which is called Yoga-sleep. This is regarded as a supernatural 
result, rather than what it really is: a serviceable hypnotic device 
to bring about the result sought. It is regarded as the great means 
for the attainment of emancipation. It was thought of as giving 
power to the yogi to perform marvellous powers, such as the ability 
to make himself infinitesimally small or even invisible, or on the 
other hand stupendously large. Hanuman (4()) during his visit to 
Lanka and others of Rama’s devotees, as well as Rama himself, 
possess these yogi powers. The Yoga system is the culmination of 
along development of ascetic practice and thinking, which in our 
search for its beginnings takes us back to primitive conditions of 
life and thought (41). 


Similarly the Vaisheshika and Nyaya systems of philosophy 
were originally separate. The latter, however, is largely only a fur- 
ther development of the former, from which it copied its cosmogony, 
its psychology andits doctrine of atoms. The Nyaya Sutras, in 
which Gotama, the founder’s logic is set forth, were put into their 
present form, it is held, about the middle of the second century 
B.C. (42). However, this is more than a system of logic, as im- 
plied in the term. It represents a school of thinking in which it is 
held that all souls are infinite and eternal. They possess definite 
qualities. Its cosmology is akin to that of the other more important 
systems. Neither the Sutras of this system nor those of the Vaish- 
eshika contain any reference to deity. Originally both systems 
seem to have been atheistic. Did the older Sankhya exercise any 
influence upon them (43)? Later when these two systems were 
combined; and although the deity was given a place in the combined 
system, yetit was only by courtesy, for there is no legitimate place 
for him in this system of thinking. 


In all these systems of Indian thought there are certain char- 
acteristics, which are common. The cosmology held in common 
leads logically to the pessimistic attitude towards life and the world 
in general. Hence, another common characteristic which issues 
from and is promoted by the pessimistic attitude is the practice and 
thinking, which is common to the ascetic. Consequently, the thing 
most desirable for man is the suppression of all desire. This in turn 
will issue in emancipation from the misery of the present existence, 
and ultimately to the state of complete unconsciousness. This last 
is to be thought of asthe “summum bonum’’ of human existence. 
This settled pessimistic attitude with all its attendant corollaries of 


180 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


attitudes, thinking and striving is another of the outstanding pre- 
suppositions, reflected again and again in Tulasi’s work (44). It 
leads one to raise the question as to the founders of India’s philos- 
ophical systems: were they those who lived among their fellows in 
the work-a-day world, sharing in this work-a-day life themselves ? 
Or were they those who lived apart and isolated from such a life ? 
To share with one’s fellows in the needed, every-day activities of 
human society tends to keep one hopeful, wholesome and sane in 
one’s attitudes towards and thinking about life and the world. The 
man who continues tolive either in isolation, orina small sgelf- 
centred group and apart from the common activities of humanity 
tends to become suspicious and biased in his attitudes and thinking 
in relation to his fellows and the world. Man was made to live 
with others and not in isolation. 


Polytheism must be set down asa marked presupposition of 
the Ramayan of Tulasi. Alongside of the more or less elevated 
thought of the philosophical schools, crowds of greater and lesser 
deities are to be found. This impresses one in a strange way, when 
one comes new to sucha study. However, to those who have be- 
come adjusted to these strange contrasts the sharp edges of the latter 
have become worn away through familiarity. “The tendency to 
deify’’ in Hinduism, as a recent writer (45) has well stated, ‘‘is in- 
veterate’’. In fact there ig nothing that may not chance to be laid 
hold of to serve in the creation of a new deity. There is nothing in 
the heavens above or on the earth beneath that may not be wor- 
shipped asa particular deity. Any kind of a deity or demon, or 
any animal, vegetable or other thing in nature may become the ob- 
ject of some one or other group’s devotion. Such statements re- 
ceive ample verification in the great range and variety of gods and 
godlings, that meet us in the pages of Tulasi’s Ramayan. 


Although Tulasi isa devotee of Rama, yet he offers the cus- 
tomary-worship to all the other deities, both great and small, in spite 
of the fact that he does not hesitate, when a chance is afforded him, 
to poke fun at one or other of the great traditional deities. For 
the great unnamed crowd of lesser deities Tulasi has scant regard. 
Whenever others prosper or are elevated to the high places in earth 
or heaven these are so little-minded and selfish that they are con- 
sumed with jealousy (46). The great Indra of Vedic times even 
has now descended to the rank of one of the lesser deities. He is 
utterly selfish, thinking only of his own pleasure (47), and acts like 
a crafty, thieving crow (48), or a snarling village pariah (49). Al- 
though Brahma, the Creator of the Universe, has a better disposition 
attributed to him than Indra, yet aside from the many set phrases 
by means of which the traditional honour is accorded to him, one 
gets the impression that he isa mere puppet-deity, who is made to 
pass across the stage before the spectators in order that a chance may 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 181 


be had to deride him. He is both stupid anda coward (50). He 
does not have sufficient wit to understand the love, which exists 
between Rama and Bharata (51). When the lesser gods came troop- 
ing to him that they might be saved from the distresses, caused 
by the demon king, Ravana, because of the foolish boon (52) granted 
to the latter by Brahma, the traditional Creator of the Universe lack- 
ed so much of the spirit of leadershipand wisdom that he did not know 
what to do (53). All such illustrative material furnishes abundant 
evidence that for the most part the traditional deities of the Vedic 
and Brahmanic pantheon had long since become so remote from 
the vital interests of the people of Tulasi’s day that they could be 
made the butt of coarse jokes of a very compromising character. 
If the attitudes both of Tulasi and of the Hindu groups of his time 
had not long since become somewhat, as is indicated above, then 
Tulasi’s cavalier attitude towards these particular deities is inex- 
plicable. Therefore, we may count this attitude towards these 
particular deities as one of the presuppositions of his work. How- 
ever, the matter cannot be dismissed at this point for it has large 
implications. As has been noted already, Tulasi was quite a thor- 
oughgoing traditionalist. Consequently, it would not be expected 
that he should take such an attitude towards the deities of ancient 
India, were it not that there must have been a considerable amount 
of traditional material in the social inheritance of his day and earl- 
ier, that fostered this type of attitude towards the Vedic and Brah- 
manic deities. In what groups would it be natural to look for this 
type of traditional material, that would dare make light of the Vedic 
deities ? It would certainly not be among the orthodox groups, 
which made much of the Vedic ritual and the sacrifice-way of sal- 
vation. Such groups acknowledged all the deities and worshipped 
them with Vedic rites. 


On the contrary traditional material, such as the above, would 
grow up and be fostered naturally among the sectarian groups. 
The Rama cult was one of these. Each such sect worshipped its 
own deity as the Supreme, whom it identified with the abstract 
Brahman of the Upanishads. There doubtless were other influenc- 
es at work, in addition to these, promoted by one or other of the 
sectarian groups, which tended to disintegrate the old attitudes to- 
wards the Vedic deities, such for example as the factors which pro- 
mcted the ascetic and bhakti religious developments, which in turn 
tended to discredit the practice and significance of the sacrifice, 
linked up with the Vedic deities. The Jain and Buddhist religious 
developments, and later the incoming of Muslim influence were all 
factors of greater or lesser importance in promoting such a changed 
attitude, as has been indicated above. 


Although deities might be derided with impunity, even those 
which were the most reverenced in ancient times, yet it was quite 


182 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


otherwise with reference to the Brahman. Not only in ancient times 
had great reverence been shown him, but what is more: reverence 
for him had grown so greatly that in Tulasi’s work a status, even 
more exalted than many of the deities occupied, is accorded him 
without question. In fact it is stated that he has reached a position 
of such honour as can be attained by a deity only with great diffi- 
culty (54). One may poke fun at an ancient deity, like Indra, but 
under no circumstances must one ever show disrespect towards a 
Brahman (55). On the contrary, the way to please the god-world 
best is to reverence and serve the Brahmans (56). The wrath of a 
Brahman is terrible. One may endure the wrath and curse of Vishnu 
or of death even, but there is no one, either in heaven or hell, who 
can deliver an offender of a Brahman from his wrath or curse (57). 
His curse never fails of fulfilment (58). Moreover, the Brahman race 
is beloved of Rama (59). Therefore, even though a Brahman should 
curse, beat or abuse one, yet he should still remain the object of 
one’s reverence (60). In fact a Brahman, we are told in this work, 
must be honoured, even though he should be devoid of every vir- 
tue and merit (61). However, it should be otherwise regarding one’s 
attitude towards a Shudra. He should never receive honour, even 
though he might be endowed with every virtue and possessed of 
great learning. All this unquestioned reverence towards the Brah- 
man, which is reflected everywhere in Tulasi’s work, suggests to one 
not only the question as to whose were the hands that busied them- 
selves in shaping up this traditional material, which accords such 
inordinate distinction and reverence to the Brahman, but this also: 
does not this excessive praise of and emphasis upon reverence for 
the Brahman getits significance from the fact that a good deal of 
irreverence towards the Brahman must have existed in the social situ- 
ation out of which this particular traditional material with its Brah- 
man emphasis grew up ? In fact, such a state of things, as is sugges- 
ted in the second question just raised, is clearly reflected in one 
passage in Tulasi’s material (62). There were many who were dis- 
obedient not alone to their parents, but also to guru and Brahman 
as well. Such as these, were the special torment of the Brahmans 
and the deities. If such experiences had not had a basis in fact, but 
were purely imaginative, then why should Tulasi refer to them ? 
One might add also that divine sanctions are great aids, among un- 
lettered masses especially, in establishing and standardizing such 
attitudes and habits as are deemed religious in significance. And 
what is more: they covera multitude of difficulties for all those, 
whether unlettered or otherwise, who are wedded to the perpetua- 
tion of all traditional material, considered religiously significant, as 
it has been handed down from the fathers. It would appear, there- 
fore, that as far as the question of Brahman supremacy was concern- 
ed, Tulasi was a thoroughgoing traditionalist. This is one of the 
outstanding presuppositions of his work. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 183 


There are other reasons also, furnished by the Ramayan, for 
classing Tulasi as a traditionalist in many of his religious attitudes 
and thinking. For example, he accords great reverence and praise 
to the Vedas. Those who revile the Vedas are very wicked (63). 
There must have been those who did so. Otherwise, what point is 
there to such an observation ? The religious practices prescribed in 
the Vedas are to be kept (64). Rama loves best those Brahmans, 
who study the Vedas (65). In fact Tulasi refers constantly to this 
body of scripture, asserting that his teaching in the Ramayan is 
according to it. However, with all due respect to Tulasi, one cannot 
but raise the question as to whether or not he really knew the Vedas. 
He calls Indra a vile wretch, a crow—crafty and disreputable. He 
states that there is nolimit to his deceitfulness and villainy (66). 
If he were really acquainted with the Vedas and reverenced what 
is written therein, then how could he apply such terms of disre- 
spect and opprobrium to the greatest deity of Vedic times ? It is more 
reasonable to hold that he really did not know the Vedas; for Tulasi 
was too much of a traditionalist to exhibit knowingly such disre- 
Spect towards any deity in the principal sacred scriptures of his 
Aryan ancestors. It is much more probable that the term, when 
used by him, refers to the Hindu sacred scriptures in general, rather 
than to that special portion, known as the Vedas. Such a conviction, 
as has just been stated, is strengthened by the fact that in reading 
the Ramayan of Tulasi one gets the impression again and again from 
his statements that the Vedas knew all about Rama—his glory and 
his deityhood. Yet, if Tulasi had really been well-read in the Vedas, 
he could not have maintained such a position. 

With reference to asceticism also Tulasi is a thoroughgoing 
traditionalist. His work is filled with presuppositions regarding all 
such; and as to the wonders they are able to accomplish by their 
sacrificial and ascetic practices and magical powers. Tulasi’s 
interest in the ascetic and the ascetic type of life is manifest on al- 
most every page of his work. His world is an ascetic world. For 
example, love is one of the three great evils of the world (67). His 
model person is the ascetic (68). His model king is ascetic in his 
interests and aspirations (69). Rama and Sita are most beautiful to 
look upon when they are inthe simple garb of the ascetic (70). 
Nature recognizes Rama as her deity, when he is in the ascetic garb, 
and hastens to serve him by making the way smooth for his feet as 
he journeys through the deep jungle. Rama is the model ascetic 
(71), as well as the deity of ascetics (72). During his years of 
sojourn in the Dandaka forest he is solicitous about visiting all the 
hermitages of the holy ascetics (73). Pilgrimages to holy places are 
accepted by Tulasi as efficacious in purifying all who visit them 
(74). Throughout the work Tulasi’s ascetic leanings are manifest. 
His closing prayer is one to be relieved from the burden of existence 
in the world (75). 


184 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


His world of practices, attitudes and thinking is filled with 
magical presuppositions. Anything may happen. There is hardly 
a page of his work that does not reveal how he accepts magical 
happenings as axiomatic. It may be a Ravana, transforming himself 
into an ascetic to accomplish the rape of Sita (76), or Rama, by the 
power of illusion, showing himself to his mother when a boy in two 
places at once (77), or as the whole Universe and his own deityhood 
(78). Or again it may be a case of crowds of the lesser gods taking 
birth as monkeys and bears (79) in order to assist Rama in his strug- 
gle against Ravana, the demon king of Lanka. 


Intimately connected with things magical are omens, both good 
and bad. Sita’s left side throbbed (80). That is a good omen. But 
had it been Rama’s or any other man’s left side, instead of his right, 
it would have been a bad omen. The wicked Kekaya’s right eye 
kept twitching and each night she had an evil dream (81). These 
both were considered evil omens. 

This list of the presuppositions, which have come down in the so- 
cial inheritance from ancient times might be greatly extended. Be- 
fore referring to presuppositions which seem to have come into the 
social inheritance in post-Vedic times, it may suffice to refer briefly 
to other ancient presuppositions, such for example, as the sanctity 
of cows. To kill them is a great sin (82). One of the purposes 
accomplished by Vishnu’s repeated incarnations is to save cows, as 
well as Brahmans and deities from distress, occasioned by demons 
and other evil powers (83). The whole demon-world and all the 
crowd of lesser deities lie in the background of all of Tulasi’s think- 
ing and writing. They all seem very realto him. It never seems 
to occur to him to question the reality of any or all of this ignoble 
crowd. Again all his attitudes and thinking with reference to the 
worldand the future are saturated with the deeply rooted notions 
of fate, karma and transmigration (84). Reference has been made 
already in a previous chapter to these related notions (85). Fate is 
supreme. Weare told by Tulasi (86) that no good can come from 
fighting against fate. Rama, however, alone among all the deities 
is able to terminate the round of transmigration for those who are 
his devotees (87). In Tulasi’s statement with reference to the 
Shudra, already quoted above, he has revealed not only his presup- 
positions, but also his convictions with reference to caste. In this 
he differs greatly from Ramananda and Kabir. 


Tulasi’s general attitude towards woman is another of the pre- 
suppositions of his work. Although Tulasi praises Sita and some 
few other women, yet his general estimate of woman is not very 
complimentary. A man is undone by putting trust in a woman (88). 
She is an inveterate deceiver (89). The abyss of her wiles man can- 
not fathom (90). There is also an allusion to sati(91), when Sita 
is representing as entering the fire. It would appear that this prac- 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 185 


tice had been in the Aryan social inheritance from ancient times. 
It is held by Schrader (92) that this practice obtained among Indo- 
Germanic peoples : that the wife, in order to provide for the deceased 
husband’s needs in the other life, should die with him. This same 
circle of ideas is reflected in the ninteenth chapter of the sixth book 
of Caesar’s Gallic Wars (93). Although in the Atharva-Veda (94) 
it is held to be the time-honored duty of the wife to pass into the 
fire with the body of her deceased husband, yet both in this work 
(95) and in the Rig-Veda (96) she is commanded to rise up from the 
funeral pyre and let her new husband lead her away. Prof. W. D. 
Whitney (97) gives the following as the translation of the Atharva- 
Veda passage : “Get up, O woman, to the world of the living ; thou 
liest by this one who is deceased ; come! to him who grasps thy 
hand, thy second spouse, thou hast now entered into the relation of 
wife to husband.’’ It would appear therefore, that the more ancient 
practice had given place to the new practice of a second marriage in 
Vedic times. Later, however, the more ancient practice was revived. 
Was this due to Brahman influence (98)? Fraser states that in 
order to give the custom religious sanction, a passage in the Rig-Veda 
(99), which directed the widow to rise up from the side of her de- 
ceased husband on the funeral pyre and go forward (agre) was 
changed to read to go into the fire (agneh). This practice was in 
the Hindu social inheritance when the later portions of Valmiki’s 
Ramayana and those of the Mahabharata were written (100). By 
the time of Kalidasa it is well known (101). It is givena place in 
recognized Hindu practice in the Vishnusmriti (102). This practice 
is condemned in the Tantric Mahanirvana text (103) and praised 
in the Garuda Purana(104). Hence it would appear that from the 
fifth century onwards of the Christian century this practice grew 
apace, especially wherever Brahman influence was powerful. Akbar, 
without success, tried to stamp out this practice. 


Other factors also were doubtless of greater or less influence 
in creating that social status of woman which we find in the social 
inheritance of Tulasi’s time. For example, the long prevalence and 
widespread development of the ascetic, as well as the Jain and 
Buddhist religious movements. Then, the presence of a servile class 
of women must have been another factor in promoting this down- 
ward movement of woman’s social position. Later came the 
Moslem conquest with its deeply rooted Moslem attitude not 
only towards the women of alien faiths, but even towards their 
own. Factors, such as these, were contributory in bringing about 
such presuppositions as Tulasi in general displayed towards woman. 


There is still another presupposition to which something more 
than a passing reference should be made. It is the notion that 
wrong-doing cannot be attributed to the deities. It is expressed in 
a very familiar phrase in Hindi: “samarthi ko dosh nahin’. The 


186 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


deities are above morality. They may do as they please and no 
one should dare either to condemn orto imitate them. They are 
in a class by themselves. This notion is widely prevalent in India’s 
social inheritance even down to the present-day. Furthermore, 
there are many references to it in their sacred as well as secular 
literature. This notion lies in the background of Tulasi’s thinking. 
In speaking of Shiva and other deities, for example, he writes (105): 
‘‘The fool who in the pride of knowledge dares to copy them (the 
deities), saying, ‘It is the same foraman as fora god’, shall be 
cast into hell for as long as the world lasts’’. This same thought 
is voiced in the Bhagavata Purana (L106). When one seeks to 
search out how such a notion could get intoa race’s social inheri- 
tance and become so widespread and deeply rooted, some light at 
least is shed on the problem by recalling a matter of common 
observation in matters religious: that authority in the deity- 
world is thought of in terms of a group’s type of political authority. 
For example, it would not be possible for a national or racial group, 
long schooled in thinking of political authority in terms of demo- 
cracy, either to have a deity thatis above morality or to listen 
for amoment tosucha statement as Tulasi has made about the 
deities in relation to morality. It is only where racial and other 
groups have been accustomed for ages to think of political authority 
in terms of some type of absolutism, in which the ruler is the state 
and is aboveall law. Among such groups such a notion about 
deities and its corollaries could become current in the social in- 
heritance. The phrases: ‘‘the divine right of kings’’, and ‘‘the king 
can do no wrong’’, which in the West to-day are largely survivals 
representing the ideas of other days, belong to the same circle of 
notions as the one in India that the deities are above morality. In 
Indra, for example, we get a distinct reflection of the Aryan tribal 
chieftain of that far-away time. So alsothe deified Rama and 
Krishna reflect the type of kings and rulers, which prevailed in 
general in the groups in which their deification took place. Since 
therefore, groups make their deities in their own image and in 
particular in the image and after the manner of life of their rulers, 
an added observation is obvious: the Rama deity reflects credit 
upon the type and character of the groups and in particular their 
rulers when Rama was passing at least through the initial stages of 
his deification. But it must have been quite otherwise with the 
groups in which Krishna went through his proceess of exaltation to 
deityhood. Otherwise, it is difficult to explain the widespread 
prevalence of the traditional material regarding his amorous dal- 
liances with the milkmaids. To the extent that the serious-minded 
Indian becomes democratically-minded to that extent problems 
will arise for him in thinking of such a deity as Krishna. He may 
rest for a time in the practice of giving an allegorical meaning to 
all this deity’s unseemly conduct. However, if he would continue 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 187 


Serious-minded such a method cannot satisfy him long. Sooner or 
later his thinking must compel such a deity to come down into the 
field of upright conduct to which he holds himself amenable. 
However, Tulasi, so far as we are able to judge, was not troubled 
with any such problem. He lived and thought in a world of 
political, social and religious absolutism. 


There is yet another phrase, which is used frequently with 
reference to the deities. Hence, it also leads one to raise a question 
as to the habits of the ruling classes or rulers in which the deities, 
about whom this term is used, received their deification. Itis the 
term “lila’’, which is translated sport. In the Vedanta the deity’s 
activity is represented as sport. Is this phrasea reflection of the 
life in general lived by the rulers and the ruling classes in which 
this term came into vogue in describing the activity of the deity in 
relation to his world task and mankind ? Where do people generally, 
as well as thinkers in particular, get their terminology to make 
what they wish tosay understandable to those for whom it is 
intended? Is it not out of the social inheritance and the ongoings 
of the group life about them? As intimately connected with the 
_ above in the circle of practice as well as notions, one must mention 
the Tantric religious development to which added reference will be 
made presently. Although this development appears to be post- 
. Vedic, as least as far as the Aryan traditional material is concerned, 
yet, it is such that, when it came into the latter’s social inheritance 
it would be contributory to the same end of exalting the deities 
above morality. It is difficult to over-estimate the unfortunate 
results which have followed, both in respect to social practices and 
also in obscuring the true basis for right conduct, which, if it 
would be an abiding one, must inhere in the character of the deity. 


There is yet another influence that it would seem ought to be 
considered asa major one in setting the deities above the field of 
morality. However, it is very doubtful as to whether it exercised 
as large an influence in this result as those factors already mention- 
ed. These latter were widespread among all classes. Whereas the 
Brahbman-Atman speculation, which is the factor to which reference 
is now being made, was for the most part the concern of the ascetic 
groups, who it is true set up the norms whichin time became the 
common property of the masses. This latter process was greatly ac- 
celerated with the rise and growth of the Bhakti development with 
its increased use of the vernacular. This process of religious spec- 
ulation in making Brahman the qualityless and highest deity lifted 
him above morality. Then, each sectarian group in the process of 
exalting its own particular deity made him like Brahman. Hence, 
such a process of thinking and its attendant terminology would 
naturally tend to reinforce the prevalent notions regarding the 
political and social absolutism of the ruling classes. Therefore, in 


188 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


time practices, attitudes and notions, such as indicated above, would 
integrate such a presupposition about the absolutism of the deities: 
such as we find deeply rooted in the social inheritance of Tulasi’s 
day. 

Tantric practices and their related thinking and terminology, 
with its standardized symbolism, is another of the presuppositions, 
which we find in this work. As already indicated, this develop- 
ment seems to have come into the Aryan stream of culture in post- 
Vedic times. Tulasi’s work carries several references (107) and many 
scattered allusions (108) to this later development. Although it does 
not seem to have taken systematic form until well along in the earl- 
ier Christian centuries (109), yet the usages and popular notions, 
connected therewith, are undoubtedly centuries older. Farquhar 
places three manuscripts of these texts between the seventh and 
ninth centuries of our era (110), remarking that the works themselves 
are probably much older. This development is a mingling of magic- 
al rites and mysticism (111). Many of the former are not only crude 
but also obscene, such as are characteristic of primitivity. 


The Tantric development has a large literature (112). Until 
comparatively recent years it has been largely unknown to Western 
scholars. Aside from Barth, very few of these give any serious 
attention to this development, which, according to a recent Bengali 
writer, has given present-day Hinduism two-thirds of its religious 
rites and fully one-half of its medical formulae and practices. As 
yet, very little of this literature has been worked. As yet therefore, 
it is impossible to date the greater part of this literary material, 
even in its present form. Geden holds, (113) that since the Maha- 
bharata makes no reference to this system of practice and thinking 
or to its texts, the existing books must, therefore, be of late origin. 
He refers also to the fact that the word ‘‘tantra’’ is not used by the 
Chinese pilgrims, nor is it found in the Amarkosha, a Sanskrit dict- 
ionary, which work Macdonell, with some hesitation, places in the 
beginning of the sixth century of our era (114). However, this 
silence whether of the pilgrims or of the literature, mentioned above, 
may mean nothing more than that it was later when this type of 
religious development became standardized in the then orthodox 
Hinduism. Evidently, as was the case originally with the Bhaga- 
vadgita, its popularity compelled in time its recognition by the 
orthodox circles. 

The usages and notions of this development are certainly very 
old. They bear many marks of primitivity. This development has 
much in common with the warm emotional worship of the earth- 
goddess, as Shakti. She comes to be linked up with Shiva as his 
creative force, who as the qualityless Brahman is inactive. 
Philosophically she ig on the one hand identified with the Vedantic 
Brahman andonthe other with Prakriti of Sankhya’s dualistic 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 189 


system. Hence, it follows that it is through Shakti that the whole 
creation is evolved. 


Then from the standpoint of practice in particular this Tantric 
development has intimate relations with very much of the Yoga 
school. It is out of this phase of its development that we get a whole 
group of mystic signs, which are supposed to possess great and myster- 
ious magical powers, such as the syllable ‘*Om’’. These notions about 
phrases, words and even the letters of the alphabet receive great 
elaboration, In Tulasi’s work, especially in the first and last books, 
very frequent statements and allusions appear which take their 
significance from this circle of practice and ideas. The name of 
Rama is so filled with magical power in bringing about all sorts of 
marvels that it iseven greater than Rama himself (115). Theletters of 
Rama’s name, even when used backwards (116) accomplish un- 
dreamed-of wonders. All such phraseology is saturated with the 
Tantric atmosphere. 


The Tantras, like the Puranas, are sectarian texts. The for- 
mer exalt themselves at the expense of the earlier sacred scriptures, 
such as the Vedas, the Shastras and the Puranas. These latter are 

‘compared toa common woman, while the Tantras are likened to a 
high-born woman. As might be expected, the connection between 
this development and that of bhaktiis close. In fact the teaching 
of the Tantras is based on the bhakti type of salvation. Hence, it 
is easy to understand how again and again certain phases of the 
Bhakti development shaded off easily into a more or less definite 
Tantric development. 


Hence, one may passon naturally to consider the circle of 
presuppositions, reflected in this work, which are attached to the 
Rama cult. Asone might expect, we find Rama is classed as the 
Supreme (117). All other deities are subordinate to him (118). Even 
the great deities, such as Shiva and Brahma, are his devoted wor- 
shippers (119). Anything that even belonged to Rama, Jike his name 
(120), or his sandals (121) are so potent to work wonders that his 
devotees use his name (122) to secure salvation or to ward off evils 
from the demon world. His sandals were carried from the forest, 
whither he had gone and placed upon the throne-seat in Ayodhya 
to give magical wisdom and guidance to those who conducted the 
affairs of the kingdom during Rama’s sojourn in the forest. Again 
and again in some form or other emphasis is given to the thought 
that neither knowledge, meditation, nor ascetic practice would arm 
one against the evils of this present wicked age, Itis only by 
devotion to Rama andto his worship that one can become proof 
against all such troubles (123). He is even called the deliverer of 
the deities (124). Just as his magical powers are limitless (125), so 
also are his virtues and the number of his incarnations (126). 


190 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Such an exaltation ofa special deity, asis here accorded to 
Rama, with the consequent subordination of all others, even Vishnu 
(127), and of whom Rama is held to be an incarnation, is one of the 
distinguishing marks of the religious development, associated with 
bhakti. Another marked characteristic is the physical emotional 
condition of the devotee as he bows before his chosen deity. The 
hairs upon his body stand erect. His eyes become suffused with 
tears. His voice becomes choked with emotion and his whole body 
begins to quiver. This is the characteristic effect of bhakti, which 
is supposed to be wrought upon the worshipping devotee. This 
characteristic had long since become a standardized mark and token 
of the Bhakti worship. It will be recalled that one of the early 
bhakti worshippers (128) bewailed the fact that he lacked the neces- 
sary frenzy of emotion upon a certain occasion when he stood be- 
fore his deity’s image. Another prominent feature of this part- 
icular religious development is the place given to the guru. Refer- 
ence has been made to this fact in an earlier chapter (129). In mat- 
ters religious the guru is an absolute necessity (130). A breach of 
courtesy regarding him cannot be endured. Anyone who should 
be so wicked would be cast into the awful abyss of hell to suffer 
there for a million ages; and in addition would be punished even 
further by being born again asa brute. An example of proper res- 
pect towards one’s guru is shown by Rama when he drank the 
water in which he had bathed his guru’s feet (131). 


The incarnation circle of ideas is one to which more thana 
passing notice must be given (132). It is one of the outstanding 
presuppositions, which came into the Hindu social inheritance and 
into very much of its traditional material through the Bhakti devel- 
opment. This circle of ideas, which grew apace with that of the 
Bhakti development, has exercised a profound influence upon Hindu 
life and thought. 


This doctrine in time became so widespread and popular that 
it has attached itself to schools of religious thinking where it does 
not naturally or logically belong. For example, in the Vedanta 
system the human spirit is Brahman. Hence, in it there is no logi- 
cal place foran incarnation doctrine. Yet, Shankaracharya regard- 
ed the Bhagavadgita as part of the scriptures of the Vedantists. 
Then again, take Kabir: during his life-time he made light of the 
incarnations of Vishnu. Yet, his followers have made him an in- 
carnation of deity (133). Furthermore, practically everything that 
has come to be associated with Vishnu, whether animate or inani- 
mate, has had a tendency to become incarnate. Ramanuja, for ex- 
ample, is regarded as an incarnation of Shesha Naga. On the other 
hand, Vishnu’s shell and discus have become incarnate in Dashar- 
athiand Kuresha. In a similar manner some of the other early 
Vaishnava devotees are thought of as incarnations of such things 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 191 


as Vishnu’s bow, his sword and his necklace (134)! In fact, it 
would seem that, once this notion was set forth asa doctrine and 
integrated in the social inheritance, it became attached toa very 
wide range of objects. Indeed, the imagination seems to have run 
riot in creating a vast array of incarnations. Following the ex- 
ample of Vishnu, Rama, as already noted (135), has an infinite 
number of incarnations, attributed to him. 


The beginnings out of which this notion and its areata 
emerging doctrine arose are lost in obscurity. There is no mention 
of this doctrine in the Vedas, some Indian writers to the contrary 
notwithstanding. Itis true, however, that certain Vedic stories 
were re-cast later and made to serve the purposes of the incarnation 
doctrine. In fact, this re-working of ancient traditional material 
with a view to serving some new interest, whether literary or relig- 
ious, isa common characteristic of India’s literature, both sacred 
and secular. This doctrine is absent also from the early Upanishads 
and even from the Vedanta Sutras of Badarayana. Even in the 
original Ramayana, which scholars agree consists of Books II-VI, 
there is no mention of this doctrine. Jacobi, who has examined this 
work critically, states that even in this original form there are cert- 
‘ain interpolations, which he has noted (136). He places this work 
of Valmiki as early as the sixth or even eighth century B.C. Ina 
later discussion, Keith (137) puts the date as late as the fourth cent- 
ury, with which Macdonell agrees (138). 


This doctrine when it appears in Hindu literature does so very 
suddenly. How are we to interpret this ? Was it unorthodox in 
its beginnings and had it to fight for its place ‘‘in the sun’”’ of Hindu 
orthodoxy ? Whether or not this is true, there at least can be no 
doubt that such a_ circle of ideas would be promoted by the hunger 
of the human heart for a near-by deity with whom needy man might 
have relations that are immediate and certain. We have seen in an 
earlier chapter how the growth of the Brahman-Atman speculation 
and its related philosophical developments had either evacuated 
completely the notion of deity, or else had removed him beyond 
the range of accessibility in an actionless, passionless Brahman. It 
is hard for one to over-estimate the depth and strength of this hung- 
er fora humanlike and near-by deity. The number and extent 
of the mythical stories of incarnations may be taken as a response 
to this deep-seated hunger. 

Obscure as may bethe actual beginnings of this notion, we 
may be sure at least of this fact, which is fundamental: if there had 
been no hunger for a near-by and humanlike deity, the funda- 
mental urge for the beginnings and growth of such a notion would 
have been lacking. However, a deep human need always lays hold 
of some ready-to-hand mental tool or outward symbol to give body 
and expression toany such need. What was the ready-to-hand 


192 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


tool, or, in other words, what was the notion or symbol, which gave 
this felt need its initial technique? Was it the early prevalent 
related notion that a god may fora time take the form of a man or 
an animal? Did it arise through Buddhist influences and teaching 
which ascribed to their great teachers powers that are divine? Or 
did it arise from primitive notions, such as those which regard certain 
human beings and animals as living deities (139) ? We may never 
know whether or not these were the major factors in furnishing 
the initial technique to such a development. But in any case they 
doubtless had some share in its beginnings and later growth. 


The deity Vishnu is the great nucleating centre around which 
the doctrine of incarnations has its great development. Although 
explanations (140) have been offered as to why it should have been 
Vishnu instead of some other deity, yet it ig not clear how this as- 
sociation came about originally. The early association of Vishnu 
with the two great Epics was a great good fortunein popularizing 
both the deity himself andthe Vaishnava movement. These two 
epics, therefore, became early and have since remained the chief 
sacred scriptures of the Vaishnava religious developments. Al- 
though these epics were appropriated early for the purpose of exalt- 
ing Vishnu, it ought to be noted that in the earlier stages of the 
compilation of the Mahabharata and in Valmiki’s Ramayana, Vishnu 
has not been made the Supreme as yet. He is one among the prin- 
cipal deities and is apparently on an equality with Shiva and 
Brahma. The heroes of these epics, who are Krishna and Rama, 
are represented in the older material of these works as partial in- 
carnations of Vishnu. However, inthe Bhagavadgita, which, as 
‘has been indicated in an earlier chapter (141), is a later strand of 
the Mahabharata material, Vishnu is no longer merely one of the 
Hindu deities, or even one of the three greatest, as noted above. 
On the contrary he is, on the one hand, made identical with the 
Brahman-Atman of the Upanishadic literature, and on the other 
with Krishna. Vishnu is here the one without a second and Krish- 
na, who inthe earlier stages of the Mahabharata was but a partial 
incarnation is now the complete incarnation of the Absolute Vishnu. 
When we compare Valmiki’s Ramayana with that of Tulasi’s 
a similar exaltation of Rama is observable. 


Jacobi calls attention to the fact (142) that in the case of Rama 
we have the opportunity to observe ‘‘an incarnation in the mak- 
ing’’. Inthe oldest parts of Valmiki’s work Rama appears asa 
purely human hero with nothing divine about his character. How- 
ever, in the first and last books of this work it is quite otherwise 
with Rama. Hence, between the compilation of the original and 
later parts Rama became recognized asan incarnation of Vishnu. 
This remarkable and rapid change in Rama’s status Jacobi thinks 
(143) is due to the already existent and well established worship of 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 193 


Krishna as an incarnation of Vishnu. Rama, therefore, in his as- 
cent to the status of incarnationhood appropriated something al- 
ready current in the Hindu social inheritance. 


In this incarnation doctrine some scholars see evidence of 
Christian influences. Jacobi points out that chronological consid- 
erations make such a position untenable. For example, the can- 
onical books of the Jains were written prior to the Christian era. 
Their religious system not only presupposes the existence and popu- 
larity of Krishna worship, but, what is more, its ‘‘hagiology’’ has 
as its model the history of Krishna. Hence, there could have been 
no Christian influences operating in the beginnings of Krishnaism. 
Then again, the question has been raised as to whether or not the 
Bhakti revival, sketched in an earlier chapter and which took its 
beginnings from the days preceding Ramanuja, was influenced by 
the Christian movement, which had already existed for several 
centuries in proximity to the centres where Ramanuja and his pre- 
decessors did their work. Still further, were any distinct Christian 
influences operative in North India in the days of Tulasi? ‘These 
all are questions that have occasioned a good of discussion. More- 
over, a large literature has grown up over the question of Western 
influence in general and Christian influence in particular, on the 
one hand by India upon the West and on the other by Christianity 
on India. It is only the latter phase of the problem in particular 
that concerns us inthis study. However, in presenting the data 
available as to Christianity’s early or later influence upon India, 
it is necessary to indicate some phases of the intercourse, commer- 
cial and otherwise, that existed between India and Western Asia 
and Mediterranean-Kurope during the centuries just preceding and 
succeeding the opening of the Christian Era. A brief reference has 
been made to this topic in an earlier chapter (144). 


The problem as to what early relationships existed between 
India and the West has awakened keen debate, and the discussion 
is stillon. There are those, like Seydel (145) in the earlier period 
and Edmunds (146) more recently, who see Christianity in the 
position of an extensive borrower from India, especially of Buddhis- 
tic elements. On the other hand there are conservatives like Von 
Hase (147) who, after handling the alleged New Testament parallels 
with those in the literature of Buddhism, answers in a vigorous 
negative, as far as the Gospels are concerned. Garbe, however, 
whose work on the subject (148) is of more recent date, and who is 
less conservative than Von Hase in his treatment of the materials, 
admits of at least four parallels between Buddhist and Christian 
stories in the canonical Gospels. Having made this admission 
he adds, however as a saving clause, the statement that these borrow- 
ings after all do not effect the eternal values of Christianity. These 
borrowings are concerned only, as he maintains, with peripheral 


194 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


matters of the Christian faith. After the first century, however, he 
grants that the situation changed radically in this respect; and that 
Indian influence is in large evidence in the so-called apocryphal 
gospels, and in stories of the saints. In reading this work one gets 
the impression that Garbe is laboring to give time for the integration 
in the young Christian movement of what he, as well as Harnack, 
think of asthe “essential Christianity’’ before it becomes contaminat- 
ed from without. But Judiasm came in to shape up Christianity at 
its very cradle. Why should it be thought a thing inherently 
ignoble to find that perhaps elements of Indian religious thought 
were also in at its birth? Garbe, in his treatment, certainly gives 
one this impression; and this can only arise either when one has 
some prejudices to serve, which one can hardly think of in the case 
of a scholar such as he, or when one has the presupposition that 
in some way or other Christianity started off with ‘a divine insert’’, 
which by all means must be given time to become integrated in the 
life of the early church. It is altogether probable that this latter is 
the presupposition, which causes this German scholar to stumble. 
Then, if one may venture another criticism regarding an other- 
wise altogether admirable handling of the material, his treatment 
and conclusions show plainly that he holds that if the literature 
bears no evidence of influence, therefore influence did not exist. 
This is a conclusion which certainly does not follow, unless one 
should be venturesome enough to equate literature with life. 


Moreover, it is improbable that all the literature of that period 
has come down tous. In any case, even if elements of Buddhist 
teaching did come in at Christianity’s birth, what is there in that 
fact which should call for apology ? 

Before turning from Garbe’s treatment, which, aside from a 
couple of conclusions, based upon fictitious data to which Laufer 
(149) has called his attention, it ought to be stated that it is by all 
odds the best and contains a valuable bibliography of literature 
available down to the date of its publication (150). The latter part 
of Garbe’s work deals with the problem of the probable influence 
of Christianity upon India. Recently Kennedy (151) has treated 
especially this latter phase of the problem. He has uncovered not 
a little new material and makes one aware that a great deal of sifting 
of data requires to be completed before we can expect to have much 
of the hazinegs, still hanging about certain phases of the problem, 
cleared up. Still more recently Dr. W. E. Clark (152) has shed 
added light on this period which lies within the first century. 


As to the general question of intercourse between India and 
the West, for the period down to the third century of our era, 
Rawlinson (153), whose handling of the material in general is 
perhaps the best down to date, makes plain how extensive and long 
continued had been the commercial and political intercourse between 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 195 


{India and the West. HKven the casual reading of the Periplus 
makes one aware of the vast commerce which the Mediterranean 
world maintained with India at that time, especially with its southern 
kingdoms, in some of whose coast cities Roman colonies existed 
(154), and in one at least was a temple to Augustus (155). Sewell 
(156) refers to the vast number of Roman coins that have been 
found in South India. These series, however, are not continuous. 
They have definite breaks (157) and these correspond with definite 
periods of political and other disturbances in the Roman Empire. 
Moreover, the translation of another Greek work, which has been 
done by Schoff (158) shows that channels of trade and other inter- 
course were not limited to the sea-routes. There wasa Parthian 
trade-route between the Mediterranean world and the East. This 
was kept open even when that state was at war with Rome. This 
route was but one of several, which passed from some one or other of 
the ports on the Mediterranean or Black Sea to the Kast in Persia, 
Bactria, and China. In fact Bactria was the human dumping ground 
for the Persian and other early Empires. This statement is verified 
by the material presented in Clark’s article, referred to above. 
‘Some of these trade-routes were very old (159). It may bestated as 
a fact that from the fifth century B.C. downwards into the Christian 
era intercourse continued between Persia and India. In some of 
the finds of the Babylonian Expedition of the University of 
Pennsylvania which belong to the fifth century B.C., traces of 
Indian influence are said to be observable. McCrindle (160) has 
collected in his works the references and materials of classical Greek 
and Roman authors, Christian, Gnostic, and Neo-Platonic, who 
make reference to matters Indian. Some of the information, which 
they present, has been gleaned from those who accompanied 
Alexander the Great; some from the writings of Megasthenes and 
other Seleucid and Ptolmaic ambassadors at the Indian Court of the 
Maurya emperors; and some from still other sources. The inscrip- 
tions of Asoka also bear witness to this intercourse at that 
time. For example, drugs are sent from India to Seleucus. From 
the Arthashastra it ig learned that in India at that time drugs were 
under government control. This would imply that in the 
treatment of disease the practice of drugs had reached some degree 
of specialization perhaps even greater than was true in the West at 
that time. These inscriptions, which contain also the names of 
Western countries to which Buddhist missionaries were sent, show 
at least some awareness of countries as far west as Epirus (161). 
Petrie (162) in a recent work raises the question as to the probability 
of the rise of asceticism in Egypt, just about the time of the 
Christian era’s beginnings, being influenced by Indian religious 
practices. Moreover Dr. Clark states that it is certain that Indians 
lived in Alexandria in the first century of our era. The reference 
in the writings of the Alexandrian Christian fathersto matters Indian 


196 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


presupposes some awareness concerning Indian religious thought and 
practices. 

Edmunds has tried to make out a case (163) for large inter- 
course in Bactria, Sogdiana, and eastward during the early Christian 
centuries between the Buddhists and Christians; and claims also 
that a large literature existed in some of these vernaculars. While 
it seems to be true that Buddhist missionaries were in Bactria as 
early as the first century B.C., yet a recent article in the T’oung Pao 
(164) discredits his claims with reference to the Christians; and goes 
on to show that as yet there is no evidence for their presence in the 
north-east from Herat until the seventh century. Therearesome inthe 
latter place, however, by the fifth century, if not earlier. Although 
there are still problems connected with the exact date of Kanishka, 
yet his coinage, which was bilingual, makes it plain, according to 
Kennedy (165), that it was not struck for local purposes but rather 
for foreign trade. Foreign traders with this coinage used Greek as 
their ‘‘lingua franca.’’ This writer rightly observes also that such 
a coinage must have meant a sudden and great revolution in trade. 
Kennedy states also (166) that Yavanas were to be found all over 
North West Provinces as far as Mathura and the Jumna. 


From data such as the above, which could be multiplied, 
it is evident that both preceding and also during the early Christian 
centuries an extensive and well-established intercourse existed 
between India and the West. However, it does not necessarily 
follow therefrom that there must, therefore, have been a commerce 
also in the higher things of both the East and the West. Sailors and 
traders generally are not very good either as transmitters of higher 
elements of culture, or as interpreters of the culture of alien peoples. 
Both Strabo (167) and McCrindle (168) furnish evidence corroborat- 
ing such a statement. In fact, one has but to read the chapter on 
‘‘Misunderstandings’’ in Pratt’s recent work (169) to learn how even 
to-day English traders and civilians may live in India for years, 
and even have large intercourse with the Peoples and yet seriously 
misunderstand Indian religious culture. 


Hence, it is obvious that other factors than those aleoaaly indi- 
cated, need to become operative in order to make the passage 
of culture from one group to another probable. Such added 
factors as are needed to effect such a transmission are psychological 
and sociological. That is, the question is largely one of attitudes. 
Was the general attitude of the West towards the Kast such as would 
promote the integration of the Indian culture in the Mediterranean 
world of the early Christian centuries ? It is safe to state as a general 
truth that conditions were favourable, India had become a fabled 
land both of wealth and culture. Alexander’s campaign had tended 
to increase this estimate. The growth of the Kmpire brought in 
economic, moral, and religious chaos to multitudes of the people. 
The drift towards the cities brought in grave social changes. There 


TULASI’'S WAY OF SALVATION 197 


was a daily mingling of classes and races within this vast imperial- 
ism. This admixture was not confined to the cities but extended 
even to the rural districts and islands (170). Such changes and 
adjustments could not but modify and break up the old attitudes, 
even where the attitudes might be hostile to the new social situations. 
Moreover, to this is to be added the fact that the Oriental cults 
which spread so rapidly over the Western world of this time were 
highly syncretistic (171) and were better calculated to meet the 
needs of the new social situation than were the old national faiths. 
Their ability to meet these needs better would tend to promote a 
favourable attitude towards everything Eastern. There is little doubt 
but what by means, such as these, a favourable attitude was created 
among the peoples of the Mediterranean world generally, which 
qualified them to take over elements of India’s religious thought 
and practices. 


But how stands the case for Christianity exerting an influence 
upon India’s religious life and thought? Here there is much mist 
and uncertainty hanging over the whole problem. One is compelled 
therefore, to tread the whole field with a great degree of hesitancy. 
“Practically all that one states must be in terms of probabilities. 
The problem as it relates itself to our special task divides itself into 
three periods: namely, the period in the early Christian centuries, 
the period of Ramanuja in South India, and lastly the period which 
marked the incoming of the Portuguese and the early English 
travellers and their settlements. These will be considered in the 
above order. 

In the period of the early Christian centuries there is nothing 
but mere tradition to guide one until the sixth century is reached. 
Cosmas of Alexandria, who was surnamed Indicopleustes, lived in 
this century. He was both a merchant and atraveller. Subsequently 
he became a monk and wrote a book called Topographia Christiana 
(172). He makes mention of the presence of Christians in India and 
Ceylon. 

Previous to this we have nothing but traditions, such as the 
visit of Pantaenus, of the Christian school at Alexandria (173), 
whom it is said Jaboured in India as a Christian missionary. But 
as for the truth of this nothing as yet has come to light to verify 
this tradition. Then, thereis the connection of St. Thomas with India. 
This tradition as it stands is filled with mystery and confusion. 
There are those like Dahlmann (174), who give large credence to the 
tradition. Others, however, (175) regard it as pure myth. The 
perplexity regarding the whole tradition is increased by the fact 
that St. Thomas is connected up with three different situations. 
First it is with Gondophernes, who is undoubtedly an historical 
character (176), that he is linked. Then, his relations are with a 
certain Mazdai, concerning whom there is a great deal of uncertainty. 
Then lastly, his name is connected with the Christians of South 


198 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


India, whose presence there, Smith thinks (177), goes back to the 
early Christian centuries. This same writer presents evidence which 
he thinks goes to prove the existence of the Christian church on the 
Malabar coast as early as the fourth and perhaps even the third 
Christian century (178). In any case, there are representatives of 
the Christian faith in considerable numbers in South India in the 
early centuries of our era. What did their presence there mean in 
respect to the infiltration of Christian habits and attitudes into the 
indigenous religious life of India? The answer to this question 
will depend largely upon the attitude which the Indians in general 
took up towards these alien peoples with their alien faith. This 
attitude would be determined for the most part by the prestige 
with which the Christians entered into contacts with the indigenous 
peoples during the initial stages of their life there, and also by the 
unmet religious needs of the Indian peoples, who came into contact 
with these early Christians. This attitude would also depend in 
part upon the leadership and general initiative of the Christian 
group, and these qualities, it is reasonable to hold, must have been 
above the general average, if we are to see the nucleus of these early 
Christians in South India as refugees, who had the courage and 
initiative to flee from the persecutions in Persia rather than deny © 
their faith. Moreover, there is evidence (179) that about this time 
and later there was more or less religious instability, caused by the 
struggle between a decadent Buddhism and a growing Jainism in 
the South. All such social situations tend to promote the infiltra- 
tion of hitherto alien habits, attitudes, and notions. However, all 
such statements as the above are purely general and do not go to 
prove that infiltration actually took place from Christianity to 
Indian religious thought and life. 

There is still another item which, it is claimed, has some rela- 
tion to this period and to the subject under consideration. It is the 
reference to “‘Shvetadwipa’’ in the twelfth book of the Mahabha- 
rata (180). Garbe and others (181) are inclined to see in this some 
evidence of early Christian influence in India. The composition 
of this great epic, it is generally held, covers the period between 
about 400 B.C. and 400 A.D. This twelfth book is held to 
belong in the later period of the era of composition. Garbe builds 
on this a theory of Indian contacts with Christians, settled in the 
neighborhood of Lake Balkhash in the early centuries of our era. 
The data from Pelliot’s investigations (182), as well as Laiifer’s 
article (183) go to discredit this theory and reduce it to a pure fiction. 
This is also the case with Garbe’s related theory about the influence 
of a seventh century, Nestorian, mid-north India mission upon the 
Krishna cult (184), which Laufer also explodes. 


Other evidence (185) is also presented to exhibit the influence 
of Christianity during this early period, but it is all of such a hazy 
and indefinite character that for the present at least one must take 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 199 


up the attitude of suspended judgment until the material is much 
more thoroughly sifted and critically examined. 


Then again, when one turns to the Ramanuja period, the 
difficulties here are almost as great as in the previous one, as may 
be gleaned from a perusal of Grierson’s references to this time (186). 
Was the great impetus given to the Bhakti development in this 
period in South India due to Christian influences, or was it rather 
due to indigenous factors, such as the persecution of the Vaishnavas 
by certain South India rulers of that time, who became devotees of 
Shiva (187) ? Here also are many vexing problems, which for the 
present demand also an attitude of suspended judgment. 


Even when one turns finally to the last period, which is 
connected with the times of Tulasi the best that one can deal in is 
probabilities. Just about a generation previous to Tulasi’s date of 
birth the Portuguese had established colonies on the west coast of 
India in the neighborhood of Calicut and further north in a later 
period. The relations with the near-by king of Calicut were friendly 
at first (188). Later, however, trouble arose and we are told that 
these newcomers made little progress, either in the establishment of 

‘trade, or in the promotion of amicable relations with the Indians. 
The growing violence and oppressive measures of the later Port- 
uguese Officials were all calculated to erect and deepen a settled 
attitude of hostility towards these violent Westerners. The Chronicle 
of Fernao Nuniz, which is supposed to have been written about 
1535 A. D., records struggles between the Portuguese and some of 
the Hindu and Mohammedan kingdoms of western and. southern 
India (189). The great Vijayanagar empire,to which reference has 
been made earlier, was the bulwark of Hinduism against Mohamme- 
dan power during this period. It had large trade-relations with the 
important Portuguese colony at Goa. For upwards of two centuries 
this empire was a refuge for the stricken Hindu, and a great centre 
for Hindu religious culture. Its commerce was so extensive and con- 
sidered of such great importance to the Portuguese that practically 
all the struggles which the latter carried out on the western coast 
were motivated by the desire to secure the former’s maritime trade 
(190). When it fell the prosperity of Goa passed away. Akbar in his 
day had relations with this Portuguese centre. Both in 1579 and 1590 
he sent thither for teachers of the Christian faith. Then again four 
years later he renewed his requests for teachers and this time they 
were sent (191). Itisa problem, which Smith raises as to how 
much in earnest Akbar was in his desire to learn about Christianity 
(192). About this same time English travellers began to arrive in 
India (193) and settlements began to be formed. : However, this was 
not until after Tulasi had begun his work. . 


From the above it is plain that there were possibilities for the 
indirect influence of Christian culture upon that of the Hindu. 


200 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Yet it does not follow therefore that such influences were exercised 
at this period. In fact, there is a probability against any influence 
of a direct nature coming in from the contacts of the Portuguese 
with Indians, because the conduct of these Westerners was such as 
to create in the Indians generally an attitude of defense and hostility. 
Consequently, whatever influence may have filtered in from Christ- 
ianity would be accomplished through the defense-technique which 
the Indians would build up in relation to the new social situation 
which the presence of the Westerners had caused to emerge. This 
is that kind of an influence, which gets registered first in habits and 
attitudes, rather than in literature, and hence is very hard to 
appraise. : | 

In the light of the above, it is more probable that such influ- 
ences as Christianity did exercise upon Indian religious thought and 
culture up to the time of Tulasi were indirect rather than direct. It 
was too early for Christianity to come into India with an initial and 
established prestige as would create in the Indian generally an 
attitude such as would result in his taking over direct elements of 
this new faith. Consequently, whatever elements he would take over 
would be such as were involved in the developing of new habits and 
attitudes in relation to the new situation to which the presence of 
the Portuguese had compelled him to adjust himself. But when 
such a process eventuates in habits and attitudes, integrated in an 
individual, or in a group’s life it is no longer alien. There is no 
doubt in the writer’s mind that in this manner Christianity exercis- 
ed influences upon India’s life and thought. In this respect, there- 
fore, we may state that Christianity was an element in shaping up 
the social situation out of which Tulasi’s Ramayana came. But to 
say that Indian religious life and thought took over consciously and 
directly elements of Christianity is quite a different matter. Con- 
cerning this we shall require a good deal more light, notwithstand- 
ing many views to the contrary, before one will be able to come to 
a matured judgment on this matter. 


Consequently, one is more inclined to see in great popular 
movements in religion, such as the Bhakti development in India, 
an indigenous movement, which emerges out of a changed social 
situation, to which the former seeks to minister. Alien religious 
influences, it is true, may have something to doin creating this new 
social situation, but they come in as indirect rather than direct 
factors. As indirect factors they are hard to tabulate and appraise, 
even though one may be aware that they are there beneath the 
surface, and operating unconsciously in the group asa part of the 
great social complex. It is in some such way as this that the writer 
thinks of such influence as Christianity may have exercised upon 
India, or more specifically upon Tulasi and his times. 


After this long digression in order to deal with the conviction, 
held by some, that the incarnation.doctrine which is a part of the 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 201 


Bhakti development betrays traces of Christian thinking, one must 
turn now to conclude the discussion of the major presuppositions, 
reflected in the Ramayan of Tulasi. 


The above list of presuppositions, although an extended one, 
exhausts by no means the many that lie reflected in the pages of 
this Ramayan. However, sufficient reference to those that are the 
major ones has been made perhaps to enable one by the use of the 
imagination to sense something of the social inheritance in which 
Tulasi lived; and to get also something of the background of this 
poet’s mind and to see the world which he looked out upon. 


We turn now toa discussion of the sources of Tulasi’s work. 
However, a thorough discussion of these sources is practically im- 
possible. As yet one does not have the data with which to carry 
it on. Inthe first place one does not know as yet how many of 
the modifications, existing between the Rama material in Valmiki’s 
work and that of Tulasi’s, are due to those through whom the story 
came to Tulasi, or to those which the later poet made himself, or 
again to those who have made additions since Tulasi’s day. 
Then again, one is unable to determine just what changes may have 
come in unconsciously asa result of changes in the social situation 
and religious outlook. For example, Valmiki’s Ramayana has refer- 
ence to Ramaat Prayag hunting game and eating its flesh. Whereas 
in Tulasi’s work there is no such reference in this connection. What 
has happened to bring in this change? These are some of the import- 
ant considerations which Tessitori’s otherwise interesting comparison 
between Valmikiand Tulasi’s Ramayan seems to have overlooked 
(194). In reading his article one gets the impression that he is mak- 
ing the comparison upon the presupposition: that whatever changes 
are found in the later work, Tulasi is the author of them: a presup- 
position which it would be exceedingly difficult to say the least for 
him to prove. He writes as though Tulasi sat down, and with the 
various recensions (195) of the older work before him culled now 
from one and now from the other as suited best the purpose he had 
in mind. Grierson, however, has called his attention to the fact: 
that itis highly improbable that Tulasi proceeded in this manner 
(196). The former scholar has recognized since the cogency of the 
other’s criticism on this point (197). The only difficulty with Sir 
George’s criticism, however, is that it does not go far enough. It is 
not only a matter of the improbability of Tulasi proceeding as Tes- 
sitori took for granted originally; but the presupposition also that 
whatever changes exist between these two Ramayans are the result 
of Tulasi’s hand. This idea itself is to be called in question. Until 
we have sufficient knowledge such as will enable one to control the 
development between these two works such a presupposition is not 
only unwarranted, but a comparison carried on upon such a basis is 
hardly worth the labour involved. 


202 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


In view of the above considerations, therefore, all that can be 
reasonably expected is to take the Tulasi production asit now 
stands and indicate in so far as it may be possible, in view both of 
the above serious present limitations and in view also of the purposes 
of this study, the major sources of this work. This is what will be 
attempted with the materials now at hand (198). Furthermore, the 
nature of the task attempted in this study is such that, even if one 
could trace out all the stages in the process as intimated above, yet 
in all probability it would not alter materially the general conclus- 
ion as to just what the way of salvation is, which is presented in 
this work. It would of course help to answer many an interesting 
and teasing problem. Moreover, it might result in enhancing our 
estimate of the creative part Tulasi played in handling his materials. 
Then again, it might yield an opposite result in revealing him as a 
mere transmitter of what had been handed on to him. But in any 
event it would not alter our main conclusion astothe paramount 
way of salvation, which stands revealed in this work as we now 
have it. 


Hence, our expression: ‘“Tulasi’s Ramayan,’’ is not to be taken 
as indicating the identical Ramayan which this writer himself 
wrote or created from the sources he had at his disposal, but rather 
the process which has intervened between the floating or written 
materials which have come to be thought of as Valmiki’s Ramayana 
in the various recensions, and that work which has eventuated in 
what we now know as Tulasi’s Ramayan. While a much more 
closely delimited way of thinking of Tulasi’s work is greatly to be 
desired, yet it is difficult to see how, at the present stage of invest- 
igating the literary sources of this work and a criticism of the 
same, anything more definite can be attempted. 


The consideration of the sources will be attempted under two 
heads: first, the literary sources, and second, other sources, such as 
are in the social inheritance. These latter are those which have 
been considered already under the head of presuppositions. These, 
as stated, are taken over uncritically by the writer because their 
presence in the social inheritance make them axiomatic to him. 
In other words, they had for the most part become built into the 
structure of his habits and attitudes before reflection had really 
arisen in him. Furthermore, one is not likely to become aware of 
the presence of presuppositions until, either they become set 
over against habits and attitudes, such as have no place for these 
presuppositions, or in cases where a changed social situation creat- 
es a maladjustment. Then, a]l such presuppositions, creating malad- 
justment, get into the focus of attention. Therefore they 
become objectified and criticized. Thereby they become more 
or less modified and retired from the realm of presuppositions. Or 
in other words they becomea problem, rather than something to 
be taken for granted. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 203 


As to the literary sources of Tulasi’s work a cursory perusal 
is sufficient to convince one that the materials as we find them in 
Valmiki’s work, are its major source; and to this fact Tulasi himself 
bears witness (199). However, it is by no means to be thought of 
as amere remodelling of this earlier work (200). Tessitori, in his 
treatment, labors to determine from just which one of the Valmiki 
recensions Tulasi gathered his materials. He finds him drawing 
now from one recension and now from another and, on the basis of 
this kind of an approach, he seeks to reach conclusions as to what 
changes Tulasi really made, and also as to what were the possible 
motives which actuated this writer in tha process of selection which 
he carried on in handling his materials. All this treatment and 
point of approach grow out of his presupposition, which as yet re- 
mains to be proven: namely, that the difference in material and in 
treatment which marks Tulasi’s work off from that of the older 
writer is the result of the former’s own creative activity. More- 
over, does not this presupposition in part at least grow out of a 
failure to recognize the character of the social situation, both in 
Tulasi’s day andinthat of earlier time ? In other words, is not 
Tessitori, as Grierson has intimated in his criticism, referred to earl- 
ier (201), drawing his conclusicns on the basis of Western-world 
Social situations, rather than upon those of India? Is it not much 
more probable that Tulasi came into the possession of the Valmiki- 
material in some such way asJacobi, (202) has so admirably pointed 
out: namely, by the more or less fiuid transmission of the Rama- 
legend cycles by wandering bards and singers, who took large libert- 
ies with their material as might be determined by the concrete social 
situations in which they found themselves. Even so late a work 
as the Harivamsa (203) calls this material by the name of ‘‘ancient 
ballads’’. Moreover, we have no reason to conclude that, even after 
Valmiki may have put these cycles of ballads into the more definite 
Shape in which we afterwards find them (204), the wandering bards 
ceased using their repertoire. Economic as well as. language con- 
siderations would tend strongly to perpetuate this practice (205). 
How do we know but what Tulasi’s “elsewhere’’ (206) sources may 
have included elements of this popular stream of the Rama-legend, 
rather than that which became more or less fixed in the Sanskrit re- 
censions which profess to go back to Valmiki? Furthermore, can we 
be actually certain that he had an actual written copy of the Valmiki 
Ramayana at hand when he undertook his work? Or was it rather 
the Valmiki Ramayana which he learned by rote in his youth from 
the lips of his foster-father? The latter is much more probable 
and is in keeping with the practice of guru and disciple-relations as 
they exist stillin India, in spite of the multiplication of many 
books. 


Then again is this work of Tulasi the deliberate sitting down 
and writing out of the praises and the story of his hero-deity, or 


204 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


was it a process that went on through a period of years as this de- 
votee of Rama went from place to place telling the story and the 
glory of the compassionate one? Tradition has it that while he 
was born in 1532, yet he did not begin to put his work into shape 
until 1574. These and many other considerations, such as the above, 
seem to stand preliminary to the handling of the Tulasi material in 
any adequate manner. 


With respect to the major sources: namely, the material which 
belongs with the Valmiki and related elements, Tessitori has made 
an interesting comparative study of the different way in which the 
same material is handled in these two pieces of literature. He 
refers to the fact that while the events and even their order are to 
be found in Tulasi substantially (207) as they are in the earlier work, 
yet the material is handled ina different manner and with an en- 
veloping atmosphere that is markedly altered. ‘There is on the one 
hand an elaboration given tosome of the events while others are 
treated with a mere passing allusion, or with a brief phrase or two 
(208). Then, it is also true as thig scholar points out: the material 
in Valmiki is presented much more objectively than that which 
is found in Tulasi’s work. Moreover, this is just what we would 
expect in view of the latter’s relation to Rama. Since the latter 
presented a picture of Rama as the Supreme (209), who ‘for the love 
that he bears to his faithful people’’ became incarnate ‘‘and does 
many things’’, we would expect that the human phases of his char- 
acter and conduct would become more and more retired into the 
background. ‘This is exactly what. has happened. When, for reas- 
ons which are not always clear to the reader, reference is made to 
some human element in his character “it is softened and explained as 
being mere illusions brought about by the Lord’s maya’’ (210). 


There is still another marked difference which this Italian 
scholar has pointed cut, namely: the style and the character of il- 
lustrations, which are used in the later work (211). Tessitori sees 
this as the result of deliberate choice on Tulasi’s part. Here again 
one hesitates to follow such a judgment until we are in a position 
to determine more accurately just what was the condition of the 
Rama material as to style and illustration when it came into the 
hands of Tulasi. One can believe that a writer with the ability as 
displayed in his other literary productions must certainly have 
added his creative touch to literary material, which set forth the 
glorious adventures andthe character of his chosen deity. But 
just how high that creativeness registered is the problem, which one 
could wish that he might be as sure of as is Tessitori (212). 


Therefore, while it is true that much critical investigation of 
the literary materials remains to be carried on in connection with 
this whole Ramayan literature before a matured judgment can be 
given on many problems, involved therein, yet this much may be 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 205 


stated with certainty that inthe Tulasi Ramayan the traditional 
material is handled, whether by his predecessors or those subseq- 
uent to him, in a very different manner and style from that which 
characterizes the older work. In other words this traditional materi- 
al has come into the focus of attention ina cult of Rama. It has 
come to forma religious technique whereby a certain type of sal- 
vation is to be effected in those who are adherents of this cult. 
Consequently all the material that isin anyway connected with 
Rama’s character and conduct becomes increasingly idealized and 
elaborated in order that it may comport adequately with deity. 


The interpretation of the Rama material in Tulasi’s work 
shows that it has more in common withthe Adhyatma Ramayana 
than with that of Valmiki. For example, in Valmiki’s work 
Agastya worships Rama as king, but in the Adhyatma Ramayana 
and in Tulasi’s work he is worshipped as the Incarnate (213). The 
Adhyatma is acomparatively modern work. It represents a re- 
handling of the Rama legend with a view to removing certain 
difficulties in the old material where Rama acts and speaks as does 
ahuman. It evidently served as the Scriptures for a groupor 
' groups, who worshipped Rama alone asthe Supreme. Was it the 
Ramaite group to which Ramananda belonged (214)? Ag is so 
often the case with a sectarian effort, this work claims to be the 
original Ramayana (215). However, when it was written, which 
was probably in the thirteenth or fourteenth century A. D., there 
were several Ramayanas already in existence (216). A portion of 
this work is called the Ramagita (217), which is a summary of 
doctrine to be memorized for purposes of worship. Similar to 
Tulasi’s work it bears distinct evidence of Sankhya thought and 
outlook (218). Tantric elements are strongly in evidence. For 
example, Sita is the ‘“‘mother of the world’’. Everything that is 
done is by Sita, whois Maya (219). Mayais also called Shakti. 
Another portion of this work is called the Ramahridaya, which 
professes to be a compendium of all the Vedanta (220). Hence, as 
might be anticipated, this work is full of advaita presuppositions 
and teachings. It is the illusory Sita, who is abducted by the 
demon king, Ravana. The real Sita passes into the fire before 
he arrives upon the scene; and she does not return until the end of 
the story (221). Throughout this work Rama is represented as 
assuming merely the habits and ignorance of the human. In 
reality he knows all and is the Supreme. In this respect the 
Adhyatma is like the Yoga-Vashishtha-Ramayana, a diffuse work 
of some 32,000 stanzas, which it is held belongs also sometime in 
the thirteenth or fourteenth century A.D. Its language and treat- 
ment have not a little in common with Tulasi’s. However, on the 
other hand it differs from both Tulasi and the Adhyatma in that it 
uses the Rama material as a dramatic setting to teach Vedantic 
doctrine, 


206 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


There were other works that had more or less to do in shaping 
up the social inheritance and traditional material out of which 
Tulasi’s work took shape. The Bhagavata Purana, for example, 
was such a work. Reference has been madeto it in earlier chapters 
(222). Farquhar sees traces of its influence in the Adhyatma (223). 
Vopadeva, who was a noted scholar living in the Maratha country 
about the close of the thirteenth century, wrote several works deal- 
ing with this Purana. Vallabha, whose dates are 1479-1531 A, D., 
also wrote acommentary on this famous work, which is called 
Subodhini. Farquhar holds (224) it is clear that this Purana had 
not only been written by 1030 A. D., but also that it had gained 
early such wide acceptance as to place it as the fifth of the Puranas. 


In concluding this rather lengthy chapter, which, because of 
the paucity of accurate historical data, deals very inadequately 
with an important problem, one is impressed with the array of out- 
standing presupposition, reflected in this work. It is evident that 
Tulasi was well at home with the times in which he lived. Practi- 
cally all the important presuppositions of the Hindu world of his 
day, as well as of the present, stand reflected in his Ramayan. 
This, along with the homely Hindi of the masses, which he used 
with such skill, has had undoubtedly much todoin giving this 
work such a wide and continued popularity. 


This also is evident: Tulasi in very many respects was quite a 
thoroughgoing traditionalist. His reforming zeal did not cover as 
wide a.range of interests as did that of Kabir. However, it is to 
his credit that he did have a sufficiently high type of moral courage 
as enabled him to pursuea course which was counter to many of 
the practices and much of the thinking of his day. Here, however, 
one’s statement must needs be qualified somewhat by the fact that 
it is not possible to determine definitely just how much of the new 
interpretation of the Rama material is due to Tulasi and how much 
to those who handled this material. previous to his day and subse- 
quent tothe time of Valmiki’s work. Much long and patient 
sifting of the literary materials must be completed before one can 
venture a matured judgment here. 


Furthermore, whatever re-handling of the Rama material as 
may have been done by Tulasi cannot be classed as critical in any 
sense of the word. Hewas concerned primarily, and one might 
say even exclusively, with singing the praises of his chosen deity. 
In order to accomplish this. ina manner, which to him seemed 
most effective, he stood ready to place under tribute and modify 
such literary material as came to hand and could be made service- 
able for the purpose he had in mind, It was in this spirit un- 
doubtedly that he used his sources. 


(1). 
(2). 
(3). 
(4). 


(5). 


(6). 
(7). 
(8). 
(9). 

(10). 

(11). 

(12). 

(13). 

(14). 

(15). 


(16). 
(17). 
(18). 
(19). 
(20). 
(21). 
(22). 
(23). 
(24). 


(25). 


(26). 
(27). 


(28). 


(29). 
(30). 
(31). 
(32). 
(33). 
(34). 
(35). 
(36). 
(37). 
(38), 
(39). 
(40). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 207 


REFERENCE NOTES, 
I, Doha 30. 


p. 73-£. 
Jwala Prasad Mishra, Ramayan with Commentary, p. 4f. 


Sister Nivedita, The Web of Indian Life; Farquhar, Modern Religious 
Movements in India, p. 205 f. 


J. A. Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies (ed. Beau- 
champ). 


Uttarkand, Doha 103 and Chaupai, lines 1—8. 
Jacobi, E. R. E., (I), p. 200. 


” 9) 9% 
%9 bp] 99 
Uttarkand, Doha 103, 
> Bi) 9? 9 
Le eal oie 
=e ot 54, 
Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, (V), 356, note 530. 


Atharva-Veda, XIX, 6; Vajasaneyi Samhita, XX XI; Taittiriya Aran- 
yaka, III, 12. 


Rig-Veda, X, 81, 82, 
Rig-Veda, X, 121. 

Meets Or hit, 

Chapter II. 

E. R. E., (IV), p. 158. 

I, 4. 

III, 26, 

LVE ST. 

IFS. G: 

(II), 215. 

Uttarkand, Doha 70, 71, 72. 
p. 48. 

Rig-Veda, VII, 98, 5. 
Rig-Veda, VI, 47, 18; III, 38, 7. 
Balkand, Doha 201. She 
Rig-Veda, X, 85, 18. 

IV, 38, 3. 

IV, 10. 

E. R. E., (VIID), p. 504, 

LV; 4419: V;,, 6. 

Wily 25, 2. 

p. 48. 

E. R. E., (VID), p. 504. 

Uttarkand, Doha 71 and Chaupai, lines 1—8 of Doha 71. 
Sundarkand, Doha 25, 


208 ; TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


(41). p. 38. 
(42). E.R. E,, (1X), p. 423. 
(43). 85; ” 424. 


(44). Uttarkand, Doha 130. 
(45). Urquhart, Pantheism and the Value of Life, p. 422. 
(46). Ayodhyakand, Chaupai of Doha 11, line 6. 


(47). e Chaupai of Soratha 301. 

(48). . ie A y )dinea2. 
(49), - ‘* i ty Fiat, aS 
(50). Uttarkand, © Doha 59, line 5. 
(51). Ayodhyakand, “4 Doha 240, line 5. 
(52), Balkand, ft Doha 176, line 2. 


(53). Balkand, Chhand of Chaupai of Doha 183. 

(54). Uttarkand, Chaupai of Doha 109, line 3. 
(55). ih i * 108, line 1—8. 
(56). a 5 7 108, line 1—8. 
(57). Balkand, v sy 164. 

(58). Balkand, Chaupai of Doha 174, line 7. 

(59). Aranyakand, Sanskrit Invocation. 


(60). me Chaupai of Doha 36, line 1—2. 
(61). ” 9 9 99 ” 2. 
(62). Uttarkand, Doha 99. 

(63). A Chaupai of Doha 39, line 7. 
(64). » Doha 86. 

(65). 4 Chaupai of Doha 85. 

(66), Ayodhyakand, Chaupai ,, 301, line 1. 


(67). Aranyakand, Doha 41, Tine 1. 

(68). Uttarkand, Chaupai of Doha 45, 

(69), Lankakand, Sanskrit Invocation. 

(70). Aranyakand, Chaupai of Soratha 8, lines 1—2. 
(71). Lankakand, Sanskrit Invocation. 

(72). ” ” ” 
(73). Aranyakand, Chaupai of Doha 11 and Doha 12, 
(74). Ayodhyakand Doha 310, 

(75). Uttarkand, Doha 129, 

(76). Aranyakand, Chaupaiof Doha 26, lines 1—2. 
(77). Balkand, Chaupai of Doha 200, lines 1—8. 


(78). x Doha 201. 
(79). 7 Chaupai of Doha 187. 
CBD 74 as Soratha 236, line 2. 


(81). Ayodhyakand, Chaupai of Doha 19, line 6. 
(82). Balkand, Chaupai of Doha 272, lines 6, 7. 
(83). : Doha 192. 


(84). 
(85). 
(86). 
(87). 
(88). 
(89). 
(90). 
(91). 
(92). 
(93). 
(94), 
(95). 
(96), 
(97). 


(98). 

(99). 
(100), 
(101). 
(102). 
(103). 
(104). 
(105). 
(106). 
(107). 
(108). 
(109). 
(110). 
(111). 
(112). 
(113). 
(114). 
(115). 
(116). 
(117). 
(118). 
(119). 


(120). 
p22i): 
(122). 
12a). 
(124). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 209 


Uttarkand, Chaupai of Doha 40, line 3; Chaupai of Doha 43, line 5. 
p. 23 f. 

Balkand, Doha 174. 

Uttarkand, Doha 85; Chaupai of Doha 87, line 1. 
Ayodhyakand, Doha 29. 

Balkand, Chaupai of Doha 52, line 3. 
Ayodhyakand, Chaupai of Doha 26, lines 4, 5. 
Lankakand, Chaupai of Doha 107, line 14, 

E, R, E., (XI), p. 207. 

VI, 19. 

XVIII, 3, 1. 

Atharva-Veda, XVIII, 3, 2. 

Rig-Veda, X, 18, 8. 


Whitney, trans., Atharva-Veda, (XVIII, 3, 2), Harvard Oriental Ser- 
ies, (VIII). 


BE. R. E., (XI), p. 207. 
99 99 99 

Hopkins, The Great Epic of India, p. 81, 
Kalidasa, The Birth of the War-God, Canto IV. 
XXV, 14. 
MRED, 
X, 35—55. 
Balkand, Doha 69. 
Bhagavata Purana, X, 30, 30—35. 
Ayodhyakand, Chaupai of Doha 253; Chaupai of Doha 292. 
Uttarkand, Chaupai of Doha 113. 
Geden, E. R. E, (XII), p. 192. 
Farquhar, Outline Religious Literature, India, pp. 199, 200. 
Geden, ibid., p. 195. 
Farquhar, ibid., p. 199. 
Geden, ibid., p. 192. 
Macdonell, History Sanskrit Literature, p. 433. 
Balkand, Chaupai of Doha 21. 

9 ”? 9 23, 


e 


9 3 Ne Lines, 1—2, Chaupai of Doha 140. 


Uttarkand, Line 3 of Chaupai of Doha 105. 
“j ey. a AZ , ; Balkand, Line 8, Chaupai 
of Doha 74. 
Balkand, Chaupai of Doha 19. 

Ayodhyakand, Chaupai of Doha 315; Doha 323, 
Balkand, Chaupai of Doha 19. 

Lankakand, Chaupai of Doha 34, 


Sundarkand, Chaupai of Doha 31, 


210 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


(125). Lankakand, Chaupai of Doha 34. 

(126). Uttarkand, mE _» 50. 

(127). Ayodhyakand, Line 5, Chaupai of Doha 240. 

(128). p. 109. 

(129). p. 106. f. 

(130). Uttarkand, Line 5, Chaupai of Doha 92. » 

(131). Uttarkand, Line 2, Chaupai of Doha 47. 

(182). p. 67 ££ 

(133). Westcott,- Kabir and the Kabir Panth, p. 144. 

(134). Farquhar, The Crown of Hinduism, p. 389. 

(135) -%ct, 126. 

(136). Jacobi, Das Ramayana. The following interpolations may be noted: 
II, 41—49, 66—93, 107, 117, 5—119; III, 1-14; IV, 17—18, 40—43, 
45—47; V, 41—55, 58—64, 66—68; VI, 23—40, 59-60, 69, 74—75, 119. 

(137). Keith, J. R. A. S. (1915), p. 318. 

(1388). Macdonell, E. R. E, (X), p. 576. 

(139). Fraser, E, R. EB. (VID), p. 183. 

(140). Jacobi _,, x 198 f. 

(141). p. 69 f. 

(142). Jacobi, E. R. E., (VII), p. 194. 

0 ff) ia ibid., 195. 

(144). p. 83 f. 

(145). R. Seydel, Das Evangelium von Jesu in seinen Verhiltnissen zu 


Buddha-Sage und Buddha-Lehre. 
Die Buddha-Legende und das Leben Jesu nach den Evangelien. 


(146). Edmunds, (His writings on Parallels, between Buddhism & 
Christianity), 


(147). Von Hase, New Testament Parallels in Buddhistic Literature. 

(148). Garbe, Indien und das Christentum. 

(149). Laiifer, Art., American Journal, Anthropology (1916), p. 571. 

(150). This volume of Garbe’s was published in 1914. 

(151). Kennedy, Art., J. R. A. S. (1917), pp. 209 ff., 469 ff. 

(152). W. E. Clark, The Importance of Hellenism from the Point of View of 
Indic Philology. 

(153). Rawlinson, Intercourse between India and the Western World from 
the Earliest Times to the Fall of Rome. 

(154). Schoff, The Periplus. 

(155), V. Smith, Early Hist. India, p. 443 f. 
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temple of Augustus at Muziris. 


(156). Sewell, Art., “Roman Coins’, J. R. A. S. (1904), p, 591 ff. 


(157). For example, few coins belong to the period of Vespesian and Titus; and 
again a second break comes between Hadrian and Commodus, 


(158). Schoff, The Parthian Trade-Route Guide Book of Isidore of Charax. 


(159). 
(160). 


(161). 
(162), 
(163), 


(164). 


(165). 
(166). 
(167). 
(168). 
(169). 
(170). 
(171). 
e272). 
(173). 
(174). 


(175). 
(176). 
(177). 
(178), 
(179). 
(180). 
(181). 
(182). 
(183), 
(184). 


(185). 
(186). 
(187). 
(188). 
(189). 


(190). 
(191). 
(192). 
(193). 
(194), 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 211 


Holdich, The Gates of India. 


McCrindle, Ancient India. 
iy Ptolemy. 
pe Megasthenes. 


V. Smith, ibid., p. 184. 
Flinders Petrie, Personal Religion in Egypt, pp, 57, 82. 


Edmunds, Buddhist Scriptures and Christian Gospels, Monist, 
CORI, 0. 617, 


P. Pelliot, Chrétiens d’Asie centrale et d’Extreme-Orient, Art., in 
T’oung Pao, (1914), p. 623 ff. 


Kennedy, J. R. A. S., (1912), p. 981 ff. 
Z ) oe, plOiG: 
Strabo XV, 64. 
McCrindle, Ancient India, p. 71, 
Pratt, Faiths of India, Chapter I. 
Angus, Environment of Early Christianity, p. 22. 
i 1a Hy + p. 25. 
Ency. Brit., (VID), p. 214. 
Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., V, 10. 


Dahlmann, Die Thomas-Legende und die dltesten historischen Bezie- 
hungen des Christentums zum fernen Osten im Lichte indischen Alter- 
tumskunde, 


V. Smith, ibid., p. 233 f, 


”? ” p- 126, 
ey ” pp. 235, 245 ff, 
” wo sDe okls 


_ pp. 440—1, 454, 465—469, 476, 

Mahabharata, XII, 336, 8 ff. 
Garbe, ibid., Part II. 
Pelliot, ibid., p. 624, 
Laufer, ibid., 

» a Aenea Oe 
Grierson, Art., inJ, R.A.S., (1913), p. 144. 
Kennedy, Art., in J. R. A. S., (1917), p. 508 ff. 
Grierson, E. R. E., (II), p. 539 ff. 
V. Smith, ibid., p. 468, 
Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, p, 116. 


” ” ” p. 291, 
Burgess, Chronology of India, pp. 23, 25, 


Sewell, ibid., p. 2. 
V. Smith, ibid., p. 259. 

. we Le awe 
Imperial Gaz., (II), p. 453. 


Tessitori, Ramacharitamanasa and Valmiki’s Ramayana in Indian 
Antiquary, (1912), p. 273 ff, and (1913), p. 1 ff. 


212 
(195). 


(196). 
(197). 
(198). 


(199). 
(200). 
(201). 
(202). 
(203). 


(204). 
(205). 
(206). 
(207). 
(208). 
(209). 
(210). 
(211). 
(212). 
(213). 


(214). 
(215). 
(216). 
(217). 
(218). 
(219). 
(220), 
(221). 


(222). 
(223). 
(224). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Tessitori, ibid., (1912), p. 281. 
Winternitz, Geschichte der indischen Litteratur, (1), p. 428 ff. 


JORPASSFA1912)5 p.:796. 
Indian Antiquary, (1912), note, p. 276. 


SabEe Ramacharitamanas, (Edition of Kashi-Nagari Pracharini 
abha). 


Balkand, Sanskrit Invocation. 
Tessitori, ibid., (1912), p. 273. 
J. a. ws S.5 (1912), p.7 96. 
Jacobi, Das Ramayana, p. 60 ff. 
Indian Antiquary, (1894), p. 55, Review of Jacobi’s Das Ramayana by 
Grierson; Weber, Uber das Ramayana, p. 77. 
Indian Antiquary, (1894), p. 55. 

9 99 x9 bP 
Balkand, Sanskrit Invocation, 
Tessitori, ibid., (1912), p. 275, note 3. 

3 " % » 2ref, 
Balkand, Chaupai of Doha 12. 
Ayodhyakand, Doha 87. 
Tessitori, ibid., p. 279. 

“$5 » Pp. 280, 284 f. 


Adhyatma Ramayana, Aranya Kanda, III: 9 ff. 
Tulasi’s Ramayan, ty. ,,  Chaupai of Doha 14. 


Farquhar, ibid., p. 324, 
Adhyatma Ramayana, Yuddha Kanda, XVI: 35; Bala Kanda, I: 59. 
’ 44 Ayodhya Kanda, IV: 77. 
; Mi Uttara Kanda, Ch. V. 
¥ % Yuddha Kanda, II: 40, 41. 
¥ + Ayodhya Kanda, IV: 40; V: 22-23. 
. “4 Bala Kanda, I: 54. 
. Aranya Kanda, VII:4; Yuddha Kanda, XIII: 
22-23, 
pp. 81, 130, 160, 219. 
Farquhar, ibid., p. 250. 
” ” p. 232. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 213 


CHAPTER VIII 
TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


It is the purpose of this chapter to delineate the technique 
and the content of this Tulasi ‘‘way’’. It will include also an effort 
to indicate as clearly as may be possible the needs which this 
‘‘way’’? sought to meet. However, before this can be done it be- 
comes necessary to make some reference to the total social situation, 
which lies revealed in this ancient legend. It served as the literary 
structure for the portrayal of this ‘way of salvation’’. 


The world which unfolds itself in the Rama legend, is for the 
most part a world of primitivity. That is: it isa world crowded 
with wonders, portents, and mystery. Moreover, it depicts an 
age (lL), which in Tulasi’s day was long since past. The age in 
which Rama lived his life on earth, which this literature depicts, 
was the second of the great ages of Hindu thought, in which, as 
is held by orthodox Hindus, there was a great devotion to 
truth. While it is held that there was some admixture of passion 
and evil, yet on the whole happiness was general. The world then 
was one that was inhabited not merely by rulers, common people, 
and Brahmans, many of whom were great ascetics, and as such 
possessed marvellous magical and delugive (2) powers. But it was 
crowded also with gods and demons, alike in this, that both were in 
all stages of development orof decay. The gods, especially the 
great ones, had their abodes in the north (3), on some of the fabled 
peaks of the Himalayas, such as Meru (4), Kailash, Mandara, or in 
other secluded spots onthe earth. The demons dwelt in places, 
such as fearsome jungles (5), in the underworld, or, as in the case 
of Ravana and his hosts, in the island of Lanka (6). These all by 
means of the power of Maya (7) or magic (8) were likely at any 
time to appear among the abodes of menin the guise of some hu- 
man or of ananimal. The purpose, prompting this disguise, was 
generally aselfish one (9). However, it was not always true of 
all (10). On the whole these gods, even the so-called great ones 
(11), were a mean-spirited crew (12). They were limited in know- 
ledge (13), were stupid (14), and envious (15), and could not endure 
the prosperity of others (16). They were helpless in the presence 
of the great demon king, Ravana (17), and had fled for refuge into 
the dens and caves of the high mountains. Hence, their power was 
limited. This was true of even the greatest of them. Everyone 
of them was subject to the power of Maya, fate and transmigration. 
In fact, it stands forth as an age in which, for the above reasons, 
the gods were seriously discounted. While it is true that men 
still feared them, yet they did not fear them so greatly as they did 


the curse of the Brahman (18), to which even the gods themselves 
were subject. 


214 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


The lesser gods were a great unnamed multitude, whose chief 
duties seem to have been quite menial. They figure mostly as a 
gaping, stupid, and inquisitive crowd of onlookers upon great 
scenes of human interest (19); andat the fitting moment they 
shower down heavenly flowers upon the fortunate of earth (20), 
and beat the heavenly kettle-drums. When Rama, as an incarnat- 
ion of the half of the essence of Vishnu (21), was about to be 
born, great numbers of these unnamed gods, at the command of 
Brahma, were born upon earth as monkeys and bears (22) in 
order that they might be ready to assist the son of Dasaratha in his 
struggle against Ravana. 


Ravana and his demon hosts had filled the earth as well as 
the god-world with great distress by the constant interruptions 
which they had wrought in the performance of the ritual of sacrifice 
(23), by means of which the gods subsisted, and also by the devasta- 
tion they had wrought among the Brahmans andthe cows (24). 
This demon king by the potency of rigorous ascetic practices had 
exacted a boon from Brahma and had thereby been able to become 
a world-conqueror. This success of his had emboldened him to 
resolve even to destroy both religion and the gods (25). What was 
to be done in such a distressful situation ? The gods all came flock- 
ing to Brahma to ask this very question (26). 


It is upon a background filled with anxiety and helplessness, 
such as this is, that Tulasi introduced the hero-god, Rama, who 
plays his part so adequately and with such consummate skill 
throughout that it results in great rejoicing alike among gods and 
men. It is to Rama that all look for succour; and he does not dis- 
appoint them. He is equal to every emergency; and no matter how 
great may be the task confronting him he performs it with such 
ease as gives the impression that he has still vast untouched reserves 
of power and wisdom. Allthe other gods are compelled to dance to 
the tune set by Maya, but on the other hand even the movement of 
Rama’s eyebrows are adequate to set Maya herself dancing to his 
bidding (27). He is such a deity as stands high above all others, 
inspiring confidence at all times; and one also to whom one is like- 
ly to turn in times of deep distress. Such is the impression that is 
created by this majestic figure which comes upon the world-stage 
in a great crisis when evil and the demons had become triumphant; 
and when among the religious devotees and the gods alsoall hope was 
gone. Even when he does become incarnate in the family of the 
king, Dasaratha, under all the favourable omens possible, and even 
though all his pathway through his early as well as his later career 
upon earth is also marked by good omens, yet the gods are by no 
means certain that he will be able to prevail against the demons 
and rid the world of their curse. Consequently, upon almost every 
occasion when he comes into conflict with them the gods look on 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 215 


with not a little perturbation as to what the outcome might be (28). 
This all is calculated to give the impression onthe one hand of 
the impotency of the other gods and on the other of the resourceful- 
ness and limitless ability of Rama. 


Moreover, by way of contrast with such gods his character is 
one that isin keeping with the best ideals and elements of the 
Social situation. In the midst of the human associations of his time 
he lived his life. As such, his character is an altogether lovely 
one when set over by way of contrast with the other idle, gossipy, and 
chattering gods, who dwelt apart from men. These came among 
men only to accomplish some envious, vengeful, or lustful purpose 
in which man was generally the sufferer. 


Rama, on the other hand, was integrated into the social situat- 
ion of his time. Although his conception was miraculous in charact- 
er, yet he was born as other humans. Aside from occasional dis- 
plays of his Maya power his childhood was that of a normal child. 
With some few exceptions, when he wrought wonders, his youth 
also was a normal one. He showed the customary honour to his 
Spiritual guide, to Brahmans, and to his parents. In his marriage 
also he integrated his life in the customary practices of the life of 
his time. His departure into an ascetic’s life was also in keeping 
with practices in the social situation of his time, even though it 
may not have been so customary for kings’ sons to follow sucha 
life. His particular departure was the result of a palace intrigue 
in the female apartments, which is stillan event of frequent oc- 
currence in polygamous households. Moreover, ascetics were not 
infrequently accompanied by their wives. In their life in the for- 
est we have apicture of the usual ascetic routine with its rites 
and its garb. There are also the visitsto holy places, such as the 
Ganges and noted hermitages, where all their actions are in keeping 
with the generally recognized practices of the ascetic life. Even 
though Rama is set forth again and again as the Supreme, yet he 
not only pays reverence to the great ascetic saints, whom he meets 
in his wanderings, just as would be expected of ordinary ascetics, 
but when he reaches the shore opposite Lanka he even sets up an 
image of Shiva and worships this god, just as any ordinary religious 
man might do (29). While itis true that his deity-powers broke 
in upon his ordinary life from time to time, especially during those 
times in which he fought with the demons and their king, Ravana, 
yet his conduct in general was such as tended to make him intimate 
and real in the total situation of his time. When he talked, it was 
in the language of the people. His talk was full of allusions, home- 
ly phrases, wise sayings, and philosophical distinctions, such ays 
were common elements in that time’s social inheritance. 


However, this integration of Rama in the human world of his 
time was not without its problems. For example, the simplicity of 


216 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


the childhood of Rama led Bhusundi, the crow, who later became 
a most noted devotee of Rama, to doubt his deityhood until he was 
given a vision of his greatness. This was accomplished when the 
child Rama by the power of Maya permitted the crow to enter his 
mouth and view all the vast universe within (30). Parvati also had 
doubts because of Rama’s humanity (31). These also were dis- 
sipated by the latter’s Maya power. In various other cases the 
humanlike frailities of Rama are set forth by Tulasi as accommoda- 
tions in view of the part his hero-god was playing. Then again 
anything that might reflect upon his deityhood is either softened 
down (32), or eliminated (33), such asthe account of his ascent to 
heaven, which is given in Valmiki’s Ramayana (34) in the Uttara- 
kanda. Since it is generally recognized that this is an appendix to 
the real epic (35) we do not know as yet whether or not Tulasi’s 
work represents another line of oral or literary tradition, which 
lacked the elements of the Uttarakanda. On the other hand it 
might represent a more or less unconscious heightening of his 
character and status in which Tulasi, along with others, played a 
part. In any case it is a natural psychological process when once 
a character, such as Rama, becomes the object of reverent attention. 


Subsequent to Rama’s victory over the demon king of Lanka 
he, with his intimates and his monkey friends and allies, mounts 
the wonder-car, Pushpaka (36), and, flying through the sky, returns 
to Ayodhya. Here he enters upon his reign and again this 
land becomes a replica of heaven as it was in the days of his 
boyhood (37). In fact it is heaven itself because Rama is there (38). 
Here he continues torule. In the last section of Tulasi’s work, 
especially, Rama is merged more and more into the cosmic construct 
of Brahman. It is plain to be seen, however, that we have here 
two diametrically opposite notions struggling for the ascendancy. 
The one presents Rama as the intimate and humanlike god, full of 
all gracious qualities and loving attitudes towards his devotees. 
However, his goodness does not end withthem. MHeis gracious 
even to the demons, whom he is compelled to kill. He grants them 
a place in his heaven (39). Even the mention of his name, or 
contact with his magically-charged weapons of war are potent to 
secure for all such a place of bliss in the heaven of Rama. Then 
on the other hand we have Rama the cosmic construct, devoid of all 
qualities, passionless, and remote, after the manner of Brahman, 
who has long been thought of by the philosophically minded as the 
sole reality in the midst of a world of illusion. It ig this latter 
emphasis that seems to be well on the way toward an ascendancy 
in this last book of Tulasi’s work. 


Hence, it would seem incongruous to speak of such a Rama as 
dying and passing into heaven, even if it should be set forth in the 
euphemistic terms such as characterize the statement in the Uttara- 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 217 


kanda of Valmiki’s work. It would beinteresting to know just 
how much of this creation of Rama asa cosmic construct belongs 
to the work of hands other than Tulasi’s. However, before thiscan 
be done we shall be compelled to await the critical handling of all 
the Ramayana and other related materials. There can be no doubt 
that when once this rationalizing process with reference to Rama 
got under way it would develop rapidly. The movements towards 
such a thought-development were already present both in literary 
materials ag well as in the floating social inheritance. This we have 
already noted in an earlier chapter (40). 


However, in spite of this rationalizing process which is 
especially in evidence in both the first and last books of this work, 
and which, like the first and last books of Valmiki’s, probably 
represent additions and retouchings from later devotees of Rama, 
yet the intimate, compassionate, and humanlike figure of this hero- 
god has been idealized in close keeping with the best that was in 
Tulasi’s social situation and inheritance. Moreover, the scenes and 
events of Rama’s career are so filled with the flowers, birds, ani- 
mals, trees, mountains, rivers, phenomena of wind, storm and sky, 
villageand town-life ideas, and social and religions habits and 
attitudes, with which peasant and townsman alike were familiar, 
that this deity’s character possessed a remarkable definiteness, a 
wealth of meaning, and a greatintimacy tothem. Every means 
whereby Rama could be localized and related to scenes, events, 
traditions, and turns of speech, which were familiar to all, would 
serve to make him that much more real and intimate to the life and 
needs of all. And this ig the great merit of Tulasi’s work. It is 
literally saturated with the spirit and atmosphere of the Indian 
landscape, its skies, its animal and human group-relations, with a 
wealth of traditional material, which is drawn from its social 
inheritance. Tulasi’s work has drawn upon all such sources. Rama, 
the hero-god, has been placed in the very heart of an ideal Indian 
social situation, which has been constructed out of these familiar 
elements. Moreover, like all mythological constructs (41), this 
ideal social situation is sufficiently remote so that it does not suffer 
from disintegration through being checked up with and criticized 
by the present. Hence, itis not strange that upon peasant and 
ruler alike this picture of self-denial, struggle, and subsequent 
idyllic peace has exercised a truly marvellous influence; and made 
this work what someone hag called a Bible (42) to almost one 
hundred millions of Hindi-speaking peoples. 


In the light of current cosmological notions (43) the times of 
Tulasi were remote both in distance andin character from the 
cosmological age in which Rama performed this marvellous work. 
There is another notion, however, that finds reflection in this work 
and it is: that Rama is born again and again into the world when- 


218 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


ever the growth of evil and the distress of his devotees require it. 
In this we seem to have a distinct reflection of a similar notion, 
which finds expression in the Bhagavadgita material (44). 


Tulasi’s Age is the Kaliyuga, the worst of all the cosmological 
Ages, according to Hindu thought. The description of a former 
Kaliyuga (45) which is put into the mouth of Bhusundi, a manifest- 
ly model devotee of Rama, may be taken as a very tair reflection 
of the times of the Kaliyuga inthe midst of which Tulasi lived. 
Even though its evil features have been in all probability magnified 
and sharpened up in order to createa still deeper sense of need for 
the salvation offered through Rama, yet it may be taken as a fairly 
good gauge of the social and religious conditions of the times of 
Tulasi. It was atime of great sinfulness and of moral and religi- 
ous chaos. All the old and highly reverenced social and religious 
habits had broken down. No respect was paid either to caste or to 
the four stages of life. The sacred scriptures were not heeded. 
They were even attacked and Brahmans had fallen so low that they 
sold the sacred lore. Many of the Brahmans were unlettered, low 
and vicious, having even outcastes as wives. Many people of low 
caste, such as had engaged in unclean occupations, who upon the 
death of a wife or the loss of household goods, shaved their heads 
and donned the mendicant’s robe. Such as these practise prayer, and 
the other rites of religion. They take the highest seats and act as 
expounders of the sacred lore. They even make Brahmans bow 
down at their feet. Gross materialism is rampant. Parents teach 
their children the duty of filling their stomachs. Ascetics even 
amass wealth and mendicants become householders. Men are so 
selfish and mean that they ignore all self-denial, kindheartedness, 
or charity. It isa time when men and women alike pamper their 
bodies and have no regard for the words of the wise or of the poet. 
Famines are frequent and disease abounds, yet nobody cares for 
those who suffer. Family usages are disregarded and violated. A 
son obeys his parents only so long as it pleases him. Wives desert 
their husbands and consort with strangers. Married women appear 
without any ornaments, while widows are all aglow with jewels. 
Rulers follow criminal courses and oppress their subjects, without 
any regard for either justice or religion. In brief it is a time when 
everything is unsettled in government, morals, and religion. 


This is a dark picture without a ray of light even to brighten 
it. But there must have been not afew bright rays, else Tulasi 
and those of his time would not have been able to find the 
material with which to brighten up and glorify the age of Rama 
and make it thereby a picture of idyllic beauty and peace. Such 
things cannot be made up out of wholly imaginative material. They 
must have some background and basis in experience, else they 
never would have been written down. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 219 


But even when brightened with these nobler elements out of 
which the creators of this work were able to construct the ideal 
social situation which surrounds Rama and hisrule, yet it is just 
such a general situation as one would expect to result from the 
policy which the Moslem rulers had been following even up to the 
mid-time of Tulasi’s life when Akbar created a change in the atti- 
tude of the Moslem rule towards the Hindu elements of the Empire, 
and brought in a day of greater toleration and even encouragement 
for Hindu culture. Such a policy as these rulers had been pursuing 
hitherto was calculated to break up all the old settled social and 
religious order with their involved social habits and attitudes and 
introduce thereby a time of chaos. This is just the kind of a gene- 
ral picture one gets from this work of Tulasi; and it may be taken 
therefore as fairly accurate in its broad general lines. 


It is over against such dark surroundings that Tulasi set the 
figure of this intimate, heroic and unselfish Rama. Inthis Kali- 
yuga it is this deity alone who is able to give salvation (46). In 
these references salvation is spoken of as being wrought by the 
power of Rama’s name. According to Tulasi the name of Rama 
has been known and praised in all these Ages, yet in the earlier of 
these there were other ways of salvation than that through Rama 
(47). In the First or Golden Age salvation came by contemplation. 
In the Second it was by means of sacrifice, while in the Third 
‘‘temple-worship was the appointed propitiation’’. But in the 


Fourth, “this vile and impure...... Age, where the soul of man 
floats like a fish in an ocean of sin...... the name (i. e. the name of 
Rama) is the only tree of life....... In these evil days neither good 


deeds, nor piety, nor spiritual wisdom is of any avail, but only the 
name of Rama.’’ Such a stressing of the ‘‘name”’ is from a different 
circle of ideas than the following, which is taken from the conclud- 
ing section of the work (48). The practices by which Rama’s 
favour, with its resultant gift of salvation, is attained are: the 
avoidance of rancour and enmity, hope and fear, a constant attitude 
of repose, astate of passionlessness, homelessness, being without 
pride and without sin, possessing prudence and wisdom, devoted to 
the fellowship of the saints, esteeming lightly every object of sense, 
persistent in faith, and a stranger to impious criticism, Then again 
it is stated that Rama will be gracious to all, who even ‘“hear’’ his 
legend repeated, providing they believe it (49). These three ex- 
amples, which manifestly come out of as many different circles of 
ideas, and which might be multiplied both as to variety and number, 
show clearly that in this piece of literature we do not have consist- 
ency as to the ‘‘way of salvation’’. There are in fact several ways. . 
But they all centre around Rama as a part of the technique. There 
is, however, one paramount ‘way of salvation’’ and that is by the 
path of bhakti. This bhakti is directed towards Rama, 


220 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


However, in this piece of literature there are also vigorous 
survivals of the other means for the attainment of salvation, which 
have been discussed in earlier chapters of this study: namely, by 
means of the ritual of sacrifice, and the other by means of the 
technique of asceticism. How are we to regard their presence in 
this work? Dothey represent the after-grafting-on of these two 
techniques after this Rama cult had become popular and had drawn 
to its ranks elements from the priestly and the ascetic groups? Did 
the Rama cult in its development have to reckon with these two other 
religious techniques from its very beginning, and consequently 
accommodated itself to their presence in the practices and social 
inheritance of the people? Whether or not we can answer the 
above questions there can be no doubt but what the bhakti ‘‘way’’ 
was a revolt from and an out-growth of the needs which these other 
techniques failed to meet in the developing social situations which 
succeeded each other in the early Indo-European group-life in India. 
To meet these needs the mystic ‘‘way’’ of bhakti came in with its 
tendencies towards emotionalism and eroticism. The Rama cult, by 
way of contrast with the Krishna development, represents the 
higher levels of this whole Bhakti development. It is hard to 
over-estimate the particular service which this Tulasi phase of the 
Bhakti development rendered in saving large areas of India’s 
Hindus from the debauching influences of the widely prevalent 
features of the Krishna development (50). 


Attention will now be given to the particular religious tech- 
nique of this Tulasi ‘‘way of salvation’”’. As has already been 
indicated in a general way, this technique was not uniform in al) 
its parts. In all of it, however, Rama is the nucleating centre. All 
the varying elements of the technique have some definite relation 
to him. 


In the first place it ought to be stated that Tulasi does not 
define this complex of babits and attitudes towards the deity, which 
is summarized under the term “bhakti’’. What he does, however, 
is to present a vast number of illustrations of its varying elements 
and the results in which they eventuate. It ig probable that he and 
his group never felt the need of defining it, for it had long been 
established in the social inheritance, both as descriptive of a certain 
type of religious experience, and later as a technical term (51) for 
purposes of demonstration and for the propagation of a certain way 
of living in relation to the deity worshipped (52). What remained 
to be accomplished, therefore, seems to have been largely that of 
the elaboration of this already established and accepted complex of 
habits and attitudes in relation to deity; and also that of the direc- 
tion of this complex towards the hero-god, Rama. This was the task 
of Tulasi and those of his religious ancestry and posterity in the 
Rama development. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 221 


The fullest description of the elements involved in this bhakti 
technique, according to Tulasi’s work, isto be found in the third 
book (53) where Lakshman is reported to have inquired from Rama 
the difference between God and the soul, in order that he might 
become a perfect and enlightened bhakta of his brother. In ans- 
wering this question, Rama states, by way of introduction, the 
ordinary doctrines of the Hindu philosophical schools regarding the 
illusory character of the senses and of all objects of sense. The 
great purpose, therefore, is to become free from illusion, which is 
ignorance. This is what causes manto return again and again to 
the pit of rebirth. On the other hand, knowledge is the thing to be 
acquired. It is this by which the world was created. It is also by 
knowledge that one becomes delivered from the power of illusion; 
and hence acquires salvation, with freedom from rebirth. Know- 
ledge, therefore ‘‘as the Vedas declare’’ isthe giver of salvation. 
However, to Rama there is a more excellent ‘‘way’’. It is the path 
of bhakti, which confers upon the devotee great blessings and happi- 


ness. It is a path which is independent of all others and stands far 
above the ‘‘way’’ of knowledge. 


However, this path of bhakti is not reached directly, but rather 
- indirectly as was the case, which pertained tothe ‘‘way’’ of salva- 

tion by knowledge. Knowledge could not be reached directly, but 
had to be approached by way of piety, then asceticism, and lastly 
ascetic meditation, which led to the knowledge which brought 


salvation. So also was the path of bhakti, according to Rama. 
It is, however, an easy path. 


The first thing necessary on the part of the devotee who would 
enter this path of bhakti isan unquestioning devotion to the feet 
of the Brahmans. Not only in this connection, but in a great many 
other places also (54), this same requirement is urged. While there 
may be differences of interpretation as to just what is involved in 
this devotion to Brahmans, yet there is no doubt that it at least 
implies subserviency to them. How are we to think of this which 
is placed as a requirement of all those who would become bhaktas 
of Rama? Was the North India Bhakti development unable to 
shake itself free from the dominance of the Brahmans, in spite of 
Ramananda’s revolt against the Brahmanizing influence of Rama- 
nuja and his group ? Or does this represent the later incoming of 
the Brahman influence when the Rama cult became widespread 
and popular in North India? These are questions to which it is 
possible at present to give only a tentative answer. 


Another requirement of all those who would follow Rama is 
a close adherence tothe Scriptures. Inthis case it is difficult to 
determine just what is referred to. Is the reference to the whole 
mass of sacred lore, revered by the Brahmans, or does it refer speci- 


Dee TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


fically to the treatises of some one or other of the Bhagavatas ? Or, 
on the other hand, is the reference confined to the Rama legend ? 
Here again one is at a loss to give any matured judgment regarding 
such perplexing problems. These two requirements, it is held, will 
issue in detachment from the world and in a delight in the worship 
of Rama. However, these requirements when kept are not to be 
thought of as bhakti itself, but merely as preliminaries to it. 


In contradistinction to asceticism, which sought to reduce life 
and hence eliminate the senses which were thought of as tending 
continually towards evil and rebirth, the path of bnakti does not 
regard them as obstacles on the path leading to salvation, but rather 
as means for enhancing and enriching this bhakti complex of habits 
and attitudes towards the deity. Furthermore, Rama is made to say 
to Lakshman that there are nine kinds, or elements in this bhakti 
complex, which he enumerates (55). They are as follows: first 
there will be in the soul of the devotee this attitude of bhakti 
towards all the manifestations of Rama. Is Rama being thought 
of here in terms of Vishnu and his'‘incarnations ? It certainly 
presents that appearance. Furthermore, is this an effort to find 
room in the Rama cult for the other manifestations of Vishnu ? 
This work is full of the atmosphere of eclecticism. Again one is 
unable as yet to determine whether this represents the work of 
Tulasi, or that of others. | 

A second element in this bhakti complex, as given by Rama, 
is a great devotion for ‘‘the lotus feet of the gsaints’’, This concerns 
itself not only with an attitude, but is to show itself in service to 
one’s spiritual teacher, parents, family, and masters. In another 
section (56) this bhakti complex of habits and attitudes to one’s 
spiritual teacher is considered separately, and hence is classed aga 
third element. In fact the two classifications: which are found in 
the above sections of the third book do not correspond in every 
particular. They vary in order as well as in topics. 


The fourth element is the habit of singing the praises of Rama 
(57), or of persistency in prayer (58). The fifth is related to the 
former: namely, the repetition of Rama’s mystic charms (59). The 
sixth consists of attitudes of self-restraint, gentleness, detachment 
from the world, and in every action a loving and persevering piety 
(60). The seventh is that kind of an attitude which sees the whole 
world as full of Rama, and which honors the saints even more than 
Rama himself. Is this last item hyperbole? Perhaps it means 
nothing more than that the devotee is to see Rama in each of the 
saints. The eighth is an attitude of contentment with such as one 
has, and freedom from the critical attitude towards others. The last 
one, the ninth, is an attitude of guileless simplicity towards all, and 
a hearty confidence in Rama himself, possessing meanwhile a mind 
free from both joy and dejection (61). This last is certainly not in 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 223 


keeping with certain other elements in the bhakti complex, for it 
Savours of the Vedantic school of thought, which hag no personal 
deity. This is distinctly out of harmony with devotion to a personal 
deity which always engenders an emotional attitude. These nine 
elements may also be thought of as stages on the path of bhakti. 
Anyone who possesses even one of these is the friend of Rama (62). 
This friendship may be attained by any man, woman, or even 
animal, as may be seen in the case of Bhusundi, the crow (63). This 
Salvation is the heavenly prize, which formerly was so difficult to 
possess, even by the great ascetics. But in this Kaliyuga it may be 
the possession of all. 


Here then in brief is the religious technique of the bhakti 
‘‘way of salvation’’ as it is presented in this work. This technique 
has little or no logical consistency and gives the impression of some- 
thing composite, which has been brought together from various 
sources and which seeks to serve conflicting interests within the 
movement itself. It really reflects stray bits of thought and prac- 
tice throughout almost the whole gamit of Hindu development. 
Yet, it is all more or less suffused with the warmth of the bhakti 
atmosphere. From this study one gets the impression that there is 
a constant tendency for the bhakti complex to pass over more and 
more from being a complex of habits and attitudes towards the deity 
and towards all and everything in any way connected with deity to 
a complex of mere attitudes minus the habits. Furthermore, the 
tendency even with these attitudes towards deity and all connected 
therewith is to become passive rather than active attitudes. This 
is all in keeping with the practices and habits of thought which 
long before this had become deeply embedded in the social inherit- 
ance: namely, the practice of asceticism, and the Brahman cosmic 
construct. 

Moreover, we see this bhakti technique on its way to becoming 
a cosmic construct, as was the case with the techniques of sacrifice 
and of asceticism in the earlier religious developments. Already it 
has become so commanding that it has brought even the gods within 
the sweep of its practice. The gods too as well as men must prac- 
tice bhakti. This process, as reflected in Tulasi’s work, was already 
well on its way in the case of Rama. Signs of this may be seen inthe 
elevation of the name of Rama above Rama himself. While it is true 
that this is clearly an evidence of Tantric influences at work in the 
Rama development, yet it shows that the tendency to retire Rama 
before something else was already on its way. 


Furthermore, a tendency is manifest to elaborate this particular 
technique yet more and more. In later developments of bhakti 
this is especially marked (64). This also would tend to develop 
the “schema’’ into a cosmic construct from which is projected the 
entire world-scheme of things. 


224 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


Attention will now be given to the content of this Bhakti 
‘‘way of salvation’’. Here also uniformity of content is not to be 
found. This development has drained from too many varying 
sources and has sought to meet too many varying interests for one to 
expect such a result. In the content of the Tulasi way of salvation 
scattered scraps as well as vigorous survivals of the various types 
of salvation are to be found. This is almost inevitable, since India’s 
religious development has been more continuous perhaps (65) than 
that of any other country in the world. Consequently, in the 
Tulasi ‘‘way’’ we may expect to find reflections of practically every 
type of salvation, which had been sought up to that time. Further- 
more, since Tulasi’s ‘‘way’’ was offered to all, irrespective of caste 
or sex; and since these were made up so largely of the ignorant 
masses, whose world for the most part was the world of primitivity, 
we need not be surprised to find the large place, given to demons, 
and deliverance from them. This is just what we find when we 
come to consider the things from which the path of bhakti was to 
furnish galvation. The very popularity of this particular phase of 
the Bhakti development would tend to fill the content of this 
‘“‘way’’ with widely differing shades of meaning. For example, to 
the ignorant masses, who all their lifetime were subject to the fear 
of demons, that dogged their steps with disease and distress of every 
kind, the path of bhakti meant salvation from all such. Rama had 
become incarnate to rid the world of demons and he had succeedad. 
In doing this he had brought salvation, or a this-world release 
from distress for his devotees, for Brahmans, cows, gods, and even 
the earth itself (66). Then again the salvation that is wrought by 
Rama means that the ‘‘deep brand of an evil destiny’’ is blotted 
from the forehead. Rama is able to do this because, unlike all the 
rest of the gods, he is superior to fate. To still others the salvation 
which the Rama technique mediated was deliverance from rebirth 
in this world and a place in Rama’s heaven in the next (67), A 
place in his heaven is extended even to a demon (68), and to an 
unclean, flesh-eating bird (69). This other-world salvation, which 
is stressed in some of the passages (70), does not mean absorption 
into the deity, but an immortal life in communion with Rama. 
This notion is in striking contrast with the one more prevalent 
among the philosophically-minded. 


The above are the recurring notions in this work. These help 
to define and elaborate the content of the Tulasi ‘‘way of salvation’’. 
This Rama, who is the centre of the religious technique whereby 
the salvation desired is mediated, is represented again and again as 
incarnate because of his gracious desire ‘‘to redeem his people”’ (71). 
Bhusundi, who may be taken as a model bhakta is informed by Rama 
(72) to ‘apply your mind to listen to and worship me only, abjuring 
all others. The world is the product of my delusive power, with 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 225 


all its varieties of life, both moving and motionless, I love them 
all, for all are my creatures; but man is the creature that delights 
me most. Of men, Brahmans; of Brahmans, those who study the 
Vedas; of these such as those who follow the precepts of the sacred 
texts; of these again celibates are my favorites, and yet more the 
wise; of the wise I love best the spiritually wise, and of these the 
best beloved of all are my own servants, who come to me and have 
no other hope....... I tell you of a truth there are none so dear to me 
as my own disciples. if Brahma himself had no faith in me, he 
would be no dearer to me than any other creature; while the 
meanest creature that breathes, if possessed of faith (i. e. bhakti)), 
is as dear to me as my own soul; this is my doctrine’. ‘*...... all 
animate and inanimate beings, including brute beasts, gods, men, 
and demons, in short the entire universe that I have created, is 
viewed by me with equal compassion; but amongst them all, if 
there be one who foreswears vanity and delusion and worships me 
only in thought, word, and deed, whether he be man, eunuch, 
woman, whether animate, or inanimate, if with all his soul he 
Sincerely worships me, he is my best-beloved.”’ 


Here then we have Rama as the Supreme. Nevertheless, he 
has an attitude of condescension and loving favour towards all even 
the meanest. All may be assured of his love. The way to secure his 
loving favour is easy. It is the ‘‘way’’ of bhakti. Is it to be wonder- 
ed at, therefore, that this cult spread so rapidly and widely as it has ? 


We shall now turn to the concluding section of this chapter : 
namely, the needsin the social situation which this ‘‘way of sal- 
vation’’ sought to meet. The evidence that it met these needs toa 
large degree isto be found in the early and widespread popularity 
of both the name and the work of this man Tulasi. H.H. Wilson 
stated (73) sometime ago that the works of this man ‘‘exercise more 
influence upon the great body of Hindu population than the whole 
voluminous series of Sanscrit composition.’’ The intervening years 
have served only to enhance this earlier estimate of his influence 
upon the Hindi-speaking peoples’ life and thought (74). Grierson, 
who more perhaps than any other Western scholar has given extend- 
ed study to the life and work of Tulasi, writes of him (75) as an 
Indian reformer, who with the single exception perhaps, of the 
Buddha, has been adopted as the religious teacher by more professed 
followers than any other leader in religious reform in India. This 
means that both in its technique and in its message Tulasi’s work 
met the religious needs of the Hindi-speaking social situation in a 
surprisingly large and effective manner. Tulasi did not con- 
cern himself with establishing a sect, but he chose rather to embed 
his convictions and beliefs in a literary construct of rare beauty. 
This is drawn from the best elements of the traditional material and 
from the total situation of his life and times. To-day among Hindi- 


226 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


speaking peoples in India scores and scores of its charming word- 
pictures of indigeneous scenes in town andcountry, its flashes of 
rare wit, its homely words of wisdom, and its many notes of deep 
piety are in the daily repertoire of the speech of peasant and raja 
alike, and of the ignorant as well as of the learned. 


All these present-day facts are evidence of the deep hold that 
Tulasi’s message has exercised for a long time over multitudes of 
Hindus north of the Vindhyas. Such an influence could not have 
grown up in a brief time and become so deeply integrated in every 
phase of the Hindi-speaking peoples’ life as well as their thought. 
Such integration needs time for its growth. 


What were the religious needs of the social situation among 
Hindus in the times of Tulasi. It is obvious that such a question 
can be answered only in a most general way. And yet it is possible 
for such an answer to register the more significant factors which 
were operating to create needs, that such a deity ag Rama might be 
expected to meetin some significant way. It is Bhandarkar who 
has informed us (76) that no symbols, or temples of the early wor- 
ship of Rama have been discovered. Does this mean that the Rama 
worship started without any such symbols as the objects of reverence 
and worship ? The question is at least worth considering especially 
when we link with it the fact that it igs not until after the Moh- 
ammedan occupation of India, with its worship of an unsymbolized 
deity, that we have the rise into prominence of the Rama develop- 
ment. The Mohammedan occupation of India, north of the Vindh- 
yas especially, had been marked by a very general mutilation of the 
idols and a spoliation of their temples (77). Would not this inabi- 
lity on the part of the idols of the gods to protect themselves against 
such ravages tend to discredit them in the eyes of the masses of 
Hindu worshippers ? How much did such a situation have to do 
with creating the contempt for the ordinary run of the gods as re- 
flected in the work of Tulasi ? In this work they are the butt of 
rude jokes and ridicule. The total impression from Tulasi’s work’ 
is that of both the impotency and the remoteness of the ancient gods. 
There is a story from Kabir (78): that upon one occasion he threw 
into the river idols of the gods which his spiritual guide had given 
him one day with instructions to wash them. ‘The popularity and 
the rapid spread of the influences from Tulasi and his work would 
not have been so great if there had not existed already in the social 
situation of this reformer’s time growing habits and attitudes of 
distrust and of contempt for the traditional gods and their establish- 
ed worship. People cannot find satisfaction long for their deep 
human needs in times of crises and change in religious objects that 
have become discredited, or have suffered deterioration. Such ex- 
periences are certain to issue in a more or less keenly felt religious 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 227 


chaos. Such in general is what is reflected in the times of the 
Mogals and in this work of Tulasi’s. 


But people cannot live without faith in what they consider 
their deities, and least of all the people of India. They must have 
something, especially in the times of crises and change, to which in 
all sincerity they may be able to say ‘‘god’’. This something may 
be nothing more than a rude fetish, such as a peculiarly shaped 
stone, ora stick. QOron the other hand this something may be the 
cosmic construct of the Vedantist. In any case it must be something 
which the worshipper believes helps him to ‘‘equiliberate’”’ himself 
with his specific situation, or with his world as he knows it through 
his experiences. This something man must have. It must be consid- 
ered adequate to enable him to control or adjust himself to his 
situation. Until he does have this something, call it what one may, 
he is beset with conflicts both from within and without. These con- 
flict situations are greatly intensified when he is but one of a group 
that experience this need for satisfaction in the presence of a new 
situation. 

But this deterioration of the traditional gods and their estab- 
lished forms of worship would tend also to affect the priestly or- 
ders and the lore connected with these temples and their gods. 
Tulasi would not have referred in his work to the Brahmans stoop- 
ing so low as to sell the sacred lore (79), or ofthe place of the 
Brahmans being filled by men of low caste (80), if such things had 
not taken place in actual experience. It is from actual experience 
that men get such suggestions. All such statements goto show 
that the life of the time was deeply disturbed from its usual religi- 
ous channels. Moreover, the popular religious reforms, to which 
reference has already been made (81), and which had grown apace 
since the incoming of the Mohammedan power, are further evid- 
ence of the deep and growing religious unrest. Much of this the 
established worship with its traditional gods was unable to satisfy. 


It was into such a general social situation that Tulasi came 
with his message of Rama. What was there in sucha deity to 
attract the attention and win the devotion of such great multitudes? 
With consummate skill Tulasi has painted an appealing word-picture 
of his hero-deity. 


Over against the selfish and impotent traditional deities stands 
the magnanimous and unselfish figure of the heroic Rama. Over 
against their demonstrated weakness stands his demonstrated power 
to handle adequately and with great skill every situation, that 
confronted him, evento the slaughtering of thedemon king and 
the destruction of his demon host. For it must be remembered that 
this was all history tothem. While it is true that the traditional 
deities also had their history, yet it was not integrated into the whole 


228 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


social situation and total Indian environment, such as was the case 
with Rama. Consequently, he could become a living and much more 
vital factor in their lives than could the ancient deities, who both in 
language and in habits were remote from the actual needs and daily 
problems of the people. In these many respects and in their obvious 
implications Rama was a much more appealing and winsome deity 
than those of old. 


Then again his conflict with the demons, which bulks so large 
in his story of high endeavour and unselfish service, could not but 
find large interest and power with the masses of the people, who 
lived and still live with that demon-world ever real, near, and con- 
tinually breaking in upon them to mar their peace, destroy their 
crops, burn their homes, disturb their domestic felicity, waylay 
them at night by the wayside, or in the deep jungle, and to smite 
both them and theirs with disease and death. It is, therefore, not 
difficult to see how the figure of this great demon-conqueror with 
his message of loving grace and condescension to all would come 
asa great and joyous release to multitudes of the masses. He 
spoke the language of the people and his wasa message of help to 
all, even the lowliest (82). Therefore, both in respect to his con- 
sideration forall classes of people andin his resourcefulness he 
stands high above all the old-time deities, whether of classic or local 
origin. He was such a deity as would appeal to multitudes, beset 
by many fears. 


Moreover, their ancient deities were suffering from serious 
discredit and deterioration, as evidenced in Talasi’s work. Never- 
theless, we must not take these reflections at their face value, be- 
eause Tulasi and his group, whether consciously or unconsciously, 
were interested in throwing Rama into as high lights as possible. 
This is accomplished in part by dulling the reality and vividness of 
the traditional deities’ power and character. However, the rapidly 
growing popularity of this reform of Tulasi’s is evidence that there 
‘existed already in the social situation this feeling as to the impot- 
ency of the traditional objects of worship. Then, on the other hand, 
the effort at accommodation, which is manifest in this work, in 
relation especially to such a deity as Shiva (83), shows that Tulasi 
and his group had to reckon with a social and religious situation in 
which the cult of Shiva was strong. Or was Tulasi a Smarta Brah- 
man (84), who worshipped the five chief traditional deities of the 
Hindus (85) ? It is of course impossible at present, for reasons al- 
ready stated (86), to determine how much of this accommodation 
belongs to Tulasi’s own time and how much to rehandling by others. 
In any case the Rama development was compelled to reckon with 
other religious interests and objects of worship. This has resulted, 
whether consciously or unconsciously, in introducing eclectic ele- 
ments. F 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 229 


Then, by way of contrast with Krishna, especially Krishna- 
Radha (87), Rama with his consort Sita is fitted to meet the needs 
of those who are more clean-minded and more given to asceticism 
and contemplation, than are the masses generally. Rama and Sita’s 
life and relations, either with themselves or with others, are clean 
and wholesome, and, as such, they have become the man and woman- 
model for multitudes of devout Indians to-day. This is not an 
attitude towards Rama and Sita that has grown up merely in recent 
years. The painting of sucha picture of wifely devotion and of 
moral strenuousness on the part of these two, means that suggestive 
material must have lain within the experience of Tulasi, else he 
could not have found the stuff out of which to paint such an appeal- 
ing picture. This would mean also that there were those to whom 
such a picture of deity would appeal. If this were not true then this 
portrait would never have been passed on in the social inheritance. 
It would have disappeared in its transit from that time to our own 
day. The fact that this picture has been perpetuated and added to 
as a deity of love and grace, and the fact that the integration of 
this ideal with its habits and attitudes into all grades of life among 
Hindi-speaking peoples, is in itself weighty evidence as to the man- 
ner in which such a deity appealed to high and low, rich and poor, 
educated and ignorant alike in the times of Tulasi and after. As to 
whether this deity can meet the deepest inner human needs in India 
to-day is another question to which reference will be made in the 
concluding chapter. Inany case Rama will continue to function 
for multitudes in North India until the traditional material and 
social situation have become so altered that the Rama technique and 
content of salvation cease to satisfy the human needs ina new 
Situation. This new situation is already emerging. What will be 
the technique andthe content of the “way of salvation’’ which 
will be adequate to satisfy the human needs in the presence of such 
a new social and religious situation ? This is the problem to which 
all who wish for India the highest and greatest things of life must 
address themselves with deep sincerity and high devotion. 


230 


(1), 
(2). 


(3). 
(4). 
(5). 


(6). 
(7). 
(8), 


(9); 


(10). 


PLL). 
(12). 
(13). 
(14). 


(15). 


(16), 
(17). 


(18). 


(19). 
(20). 
(21). 
(22). 


(23). 


(24). 
(25). 
(26). 
(27). 


(28). 
(29). 
(30). 
(Bi). 
(32), 
(33). 


(34), 
(35). 
(36). 
(37). 
(38). 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


REFERENCE NOTES. 
The Treta, p. 172. 


Ramayan, IV, Chaup. of Doha 22; III, Chaup. of Doha 25; III, Chaup. 
of Doha 15. 


Mahabharata, XII, 336, 8—9 (Dutt). 
Mahabharata, XII, 336, 7, 9 (Dutt). 


III, Chaup. of Doha 19; III, Chhand p. 325, (Nagari Pracharini Ed.) 
Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 162ff. 


I, Chaup. of Doha 174. 

II, Chaup, of Doha 12; III, Chaup. of Doha 29. 

VI, Doha 72; VI, Chaup. of Doha 84; VI. Chaup. of D. 52; VI, Doha 6. 
I, Chaup. of Doha 134; II, Doha 295; II, Doha 316. 

I, Chaup. of Doha 23. 

I, Chaup. of Doha 3; I, Doha 125. 

II, Doha 295. 

VI, Doha 70 and Chaupai of 67; Il, Chaup. of Doha 240, 
II, Chaup. of Doha 284. 

II, Chaup. of Doha 216. 

II, Ay %, 216, line 8. 

I, Doha 181; I, Chaup. of Doha 181. 


I, Chaup. of Doha 164, and of Doha 165; I, Chaup, of Doha 174, nh 
7; I, Chaup. of Doha 272. 


I, Chaup. of Doha 322;1, Doha 324. 

VI, Chaup. of Doha 70. 

I, Chaup. of Doha 188 and of 189. 

I, Chaup. of Doha 187. 

I, Chaup. of Doha 182. 

I, Chaup. of Soratha 183. 

I, Chaup. of Doha 176, 177. 

I, Chhand and Soratha p. 88 (Nagari Pracharini Sabha Ed.) 
IV, Chaup. of Doha 7. 

VI, Doha 70. 

VI, Chaup. of Doha 1; Chaupai of Doha 8. 

VII, Doha 79. 

I, Chaup. of Doha 49. 

VI, Chaup. of Doha 60, line 1; III, Chaup. of Doha 28. 


Tulasi has eliminated the story of Rama’s departure to heaven, which 
is contained in the Uttarakanda of Valmiki’s work, Muir: Sanskrit 
Texts, IV, p. 477ff. 


Uttarakanda, Secs., Muir, ibid., 1V, p. 439ff. 
Muir, ibid. p. 480, 

VI, Chaup. of Doha 116. 

VII, Chaup. of Doha 26. 

VII, Doha 47. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 231. 


(39). VI, Chaup. of Doha 113. 

(40). Chap. III. 

(41). Mythology of All Races, I, p. xliif, 
(42). V. Smith, Akbar, p. 419. 


(43). The Age in which Tulasi lived was the Kaliyuga, the worst age in 
the recurring cycle of four Yugas. 


(44). Bhagavadgita, Ch. IV, 8 (trans. by Telang, S. B. E. VIII). 
(45). VII, Chaup. of Doha 96ff. 

(46). I, Chaup. of Doha 21; I, Chaup. of Doha 26. 
(47). I, Chaup. of Doha 26. 

(48). VII, Chaup. of Doha 45. 

(49), VII, Doha 126. 

(50). Grierson, Art. in J. R. A, S. (1903), p. 455. 
{51); Ay, Art. on “Bhakti Marga”, E. R. E. 
Choy .': 5 Artin. ky A, Se (1903); p, 455, 
(53), Ill, Doha 16. 

(54). VII, Chaup. of Doha 108. 

(55). III, Chaup. of Doha 17. 

(56). III, Doha 38. 

(57). III, Doha 38. 

(58). III, Chaup. of Doha 17. 

(59). III, Chaup. of Doha 38. 


(60). 9 9 9) ” 
(61), »» 9, Lhere is emotion, however, in III, Chaup. of 


Doha 17. 
(62). III, Chaup. of Doha 38. 
(63). VII, Chaup. of Doha 75ff. 


(64). Grierson, Arts. on “Bhakti Mala” in J. R. A.S. (1909), p. 607ff., (1910), 
87H, 269ff., &c. 


(65). Macdonell, Art. in Imperial Gaz., II, p. 206. 
(66). I, Chaup. of Soratha 120, 

(67). VII, Chaup. of Doha 14. 

(68). Ill, Chaup, of Doha 28. 

(69). III, Chaup. of Doha 35, 

(70). III, Chaup. of Doha 10; VI, Chaup. of Doha 111. 
(71). I, Chh, 2, p. 30 (Nagari Pracharini Sabha, Ed.) 
(72). VII, Chaup. 85. 

(73). Ency., Brit. XIII, p. 509, H. H. Wilson: Religious Sects of the Hindus. 
(74). V. Smith, Akbar, p. 419f. 

(75). Imperial Gaz., II, p. 418. 

(76). Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, &c., p. 47. 

(77). F. S. Growse, Mathura, p. 32ff. 

(78). Macauliffe, Hist. of the Sikh Religion, Vb. 


232 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


(79). VII, Chaup. of Doha 97. 

(80). VII, Chaup. of Doha 99. 

(81). Chap. V. 

(82). III, Doha 39. 

(83). VI, Chaup. of Doha 2; VI, Doha 3. 

(84). Farquhar, ibid p. 329f, 

(85). . » p. 140ff. 

(86). Grierson, Art. in J. R. A. S. (1903), p. 459. 
(87). p. 73. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 233 


REVIEW AND CONCLUSIONS. 


In this concluding chapter attention will be given first toa 
brief review of the three dominant ways of salvation that character- 
ize India’s religious development down to the time of Tulasi, with 
special reference to the latter’s phase of the Bhakti development ; 
and, in the second place, a statement of conclusions that bear an 
intimate relation to the task undertaken. 


It is obvious that sucha task as has been attempted in this 
thesis would necessitate a rather wide survey of the main lines of 
India’s religions development. This has been undertaken and pur- 
sued with some awareness at least of the many gaps that exist in 
the available historical data. Consequently, in some cases both the 
problems as well as the solutions suggested, which are involved in 
certain phases of this development, have been stated more or less 
tentatively. Andina few cases, even the problems themselves are 
not clear. Hence, it has not been found possible to set them forth 
adequately. 


However, even; though all necessary and adequate data are 
not available as yet, in order that one might set forth all the factors 
involved and appraise each as to its relative importance in relation 
to the whole in promoting the main lines of India’s religious deve- 
lopment, yet the main factors are sufficiently clear to enable one to 
see just how the beliefs and practices for the attainment of salvation 
came to vary with the changing social situation. Furthermore, 
while it is true that these various paths for the attainment of salva- 
tion became more and more inextricably interwoven with one an- 
other in India’s later religious development, yet each is sufficiently 
distinct in outline in its groundwork, both as to technique and con- 
tent, to make it certain that each arose and had its early develop- 
ment as a response to human needs, which in turn were experienced 
in specific social situations. Hence, it is reasonably clear that in 
India also, as has been the case with religious developments else- 
where whose various stages are clearly traceable, both the type of 
salvation which those concerned felt they stood in need of and also 
the technique for the attainment of the same are historically condi- 
tioned. Both technique and content havea definite relation with 
and take their significance from the total situation in which any 
such group lives its life. This total situation includes such factors 
as the geographical location of a people, their contacts or lack of 
contacts with other groups and the stages of culture of these latter, 
a people’s own economic and general cultural status, its leaders or 
lack of such, its god-world, and in general the traditional material 
of its social inheritance, especially that which from time to time 
takes on religious significance. 


234 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


In brief, it is the individual, especially the leader, and the 
group reacting both to changing and to stabilized factors, such as 
have been indicated above, that cause the emergence of problems 
for the individual andthe group. Problems arise in the social 
situation at that point where the customary reactions cease to fur- 
nish an adequate and satisfying response toa new situation, which is 
emerging. It is in this field of problems where the need for religion 
begins to be felt. Religion then, from this problem-point of view, 
may be thought of as that in which the human or its group seeks 
re-enforcement from beyond itself and its fellows, as humans, in 
order to establish an ‘ equilibration ’’ with the total situation, 
which may include the god-world also, in relation to which the in- 
dividual or group feels itself in maladjustment. Then again, this 
maladjustment experienced will vary as the religious culture of the 
individual or the group varies. The maladjustment may be con- 
cerned primarily with things material, such as the altered economic, 
political, or social status of a group, or of its leaders. Or, on the 
other hand, this experienced maladjustment may be inner and pri- 
marily spiritual. This arises with the conviction of personal sin, 
and the sense of the need for right relations with deity and with 
one’s fellows, which grow out of the recognized character of deity. 

It follows, therefore, that we need not be surprised to find 
that the felt-needs in one social situation will vary somewhat in 
character and in point of emphasis from the felt-needs in another 
type. The technique also which may be seized upon to meet such 
felt-needs is likely to vary as varies the traditional material. More- 
over, these will be such parts of the traditional material as may 
happen to come into the focus of attention when the stress and con- 
flict after adjustment ison. Then itis that the individual leader, 
as well as the group which may be concerned, is most suggestible. 
This openness to suggestibility in times of great crises, which is 
characteristic of individual leader and group alike, is perhaps the 
largest factor in getting any particular element of traditional 
material, which may happen to get into the focus of attention, in- 
tegrated as technique in a group’s notion of the salvation it feels it 
needs. On the other hand, however, it ought to be clearly stated 
that the more definitely this maladjustment, which is experienced, 
is felt to be inner and partaking of the nature of the spiritual to that 
extent it is seen that the great inner needs of man the world-over 
have much incommon. Here also, although the technique may still 
differ somewhat, it will be found to be the tool, used to express or 
mediate the need for a salvation that is concerned fundamentally 
and primarily with what is spiritual, rather than with what is merely 
economic, political or social. 


With fundamental facts, such as the above, in mind one may 
now turn to a review of India’s religious development in relation 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION aun 


to its types of salvation. In broad outlines there are three quite 
well-defined ways for the attainment of salvation. Each of these 
has its own content and its technique. 


The type of salvation which the early Aryans sought was clearly 
a this-world salvation. Its technique was the sacrifice and its 
accompanying priestly ministrants. This was frankly a method of 
bargaining with the deities and of persuading them to bestow the 
earthly blessings which sacrificer and ministrants desired : victory 
over their enemies, a plenty both of sons and of cows, as well as 
deliverance from the ever-present demons. Beautiful as many of 
the hymns of the Rig-Veda are, which voice this need, they are 
primarily a means to anend that is largely ignoble. Although the 
ends sought are frankly selfish and of the earth earthy, yet it would 
appear that the deities were not only looked upon as free personal 
beings, who had to be entreated, but also that these sacrificers held 
sincerely to the reality of these deities. The tenth book of the Rig- 
Veda, however, begins to reflect a different spirit, which becomes 
even more marked in the Atharva-Veda. The deities now are retired 
more and more into the background as free personal beings. They 
too are subject to the power of magic and are under the necessity of 
practising asceticism. Prayer, ritual and sacrifice, which in the 
Rig- Veda were performed in relation to these deities, are now powers 
which exist in and of themselves alongside of the deities. All this 
represents a profound change in religious outlook and a deep un- 
settling of the old social order. The causes which were at work 
to create this radical change have been referred to already in a pre- 
vious chapter (1). 


Such a corroding of the sacrifice type of salvation and its tech- 
nique was inevitable in such an altered social situation. Newly- 
experienced needs, which every new emerging social situation 
creates, are at first reacted to by more or less unconscious responses. 
These at first, as it were, would be impulsive adventures or random 
attempts to meet these new felt-needs. Such early random responses 
are most likely to take up some of the more primitive elements in 
the traditional material as the ground-structure of their technique. 
It isa matter of common observation that in times of great change 
when all seems to be in chaos the individual, as well as the group, 
has a strong tendency to revert to more primitive practice, especially 
in matters religious. While at present we do not have enough data 
to verify this characteristic sociological and psychological phenome- 
non in respect to this period in India, yet it is highly probable that 
when this new social situation was emerging it was the widely pre- 
valent practice of austerities that gave the ground-structure to the 
ascetic way of salvation. As has been noted in an earlier chapter, 
this practice is a more or less vigorous survival of such practices as 
tribal initiation-ceremonies. As such, these practices would be 


236 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


deeply rooted in the early group life and would carry within them- 
selves the momentum of fixed social habit, the prestige of the ances- 
tors’ example and the favour of the god-world. Practices, such as 
these, would come into the focus of attention; and in turn would 
form the nuclei around which would gather a more or less modified 
technique witha new content, calculated to bring satisfaction to 
the newly-experienced needs. It was by some such process as the 
above that the ascetic type of salvation got under way in the new 
social situation, which life in the Gangetic plains created. 


Meanwhile, however, the sacrifice way of salvation is not 
wholly unresponsive to the altered social situation. It receives not 
only an elaboration but also a modification to meet the altered needs. 
This development takes two directions at this time. On the one 
hand, it becomes more intimately integrated with more popular ele- 
ments in the religion of the masses. Hence, in the later Vedas, especi- 
ally the Atharva and the Brahmana literature, the technique as well | 
as the content of the salvation, secured by sacrifice, is modifed by 
the introduction of popular deities and of a great mass of magical 
formulae. Then, on the other hand, there is a philosophical tendency. 
This is foreshadowed in some of the later Vedic hymns and 
receives greater elaboration and definiteness in the Brahmana and 
Upanishadic literature in which sacrifice and all connected there- 
with become permeated with symbolical and allegorical notions. In 
time this negatives the whole sacrifice development and it passes 
over to become a part of the ascetic development. 


This ascetic way of salvation, promoted and reinforced as it 
doubtless was by the more primitive elements in the traditional 
material of India’s group life, would furnish in the new social 
Situation a moral and religious ideal that would not fail to make its 
appeal tothe more noble and sincere. The way of sacrifice was 
essentially aristocratic and limited to the higher classes. Whereas 
the ascetic way wasfor all. It would appeal to high and lowly 
alike. To the lowly it would afford release from the growing 
tyranny of the caste system, and from the economic pressure and 
the disappointments, incident to the caste social order, and also ad- 
mission into a present state in which caste had no legitimate place, 
and in theend into a heaven in which caste is unknown. To the 
leisured, who were either serious-minded or satiated with worldly 
indulgence, it represented a salvation from world-weariness, fleshly 
passions and the disappointments of this lifeto a release from rebirth 
in the future and to ultimate absorption in the All of reality. Both 
Jainism and Buddhism came within the sweep of this ascetic move- 
ment in their beginnings. -Later, however, after the death of their 
founders they both came to have a more intimate connection with 
the bhakti, rather than with the ascetic development. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION pany 


This same period is marked also by the rise into prominence of 
the more or less primitively-rooted notions of transmigration, fate 
and karma. All these notions receive great extension and elabora- 
tion. They serve to give great reinforcement to the ascetic ideal. 
The elaboration and refinement of these notions were doubtless 
mutually operative. 


The technique of this ascetic path also receives great extension, 
elaboration, and refinement until it forms the basis and substance 
of the Yoga system. All this would be the natural outcome of the 
effort to control, reduce and eliminate the desires of those who 
followed this path. 


This became an exceedingly popular way for the attainment 
of salvation. Evidences of this are abundant in both the Buddhist 
and Brahman literature of the period and later. It must have met 
some deep need, therefore, in the social situation of the time. The 
human needs which it met were not confined to one class of the 
social strata. Those who entered this life came from all avenues 
and walks of life, representing alike the high andthe low, the cul- 
tured and the uncultured of the time. This way also represented 
freedom from the aristocratic, mercenary, and low-browed priesthood, 
who themselves were so effected economically and otherwise that 
very many of them either entered other occupations, or became 
adherents of the ascetic way of life. 


But this ascetic way, popular as it was, represented a fierce 
struggle for the attainment of its goal. Hence, many fell by the 
way side, with the goal unattained. This struggle was complicated 
and greatly intensified for many by their past indulgent lives. 
Habits and attitudes, with their memory images, such as had been 
built into the structure of their lives by evil living would of neces- 
sity be brought over into this new type of life, since they could not 
be eliminated all at once or even ultimately. All these factors would 
make the struggle very difficult for many. In brief, as an outcome 
of this now popular ascetic way of life and the inner struggles which 
it evoked there emerged a new social situation with points of strain 
and tension, which registered unmet human needs. They were 
created and then left unmet by the ascetic way. It is true, however, 
that there is an effort after adjustment, which was more or less un- 
conscious and of the trial and error sort in its beginnings and early 
stages. This effort after adjustment to meet these newly-experienced 
needs, which the ascetic way created but did not satisfy, developed 
devices and technique for the control and discharge of sexual power, 
for mystic contemplation, for the trance experience, and for taking 
care of the erotic sentiment in general. But the very fact that we 
have at this period and later the riseand growing prominence of 
the bhakti attitude towards deity, which gave large release to the 


238 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


emotions, is sufficient proof that the ascetic struggle for the attain- 
ment of its goal created human emotional needs, that in spite of its 
special technique, it could not adequately satisfy. It was only 
those, gifted with large imaginative powers and masters of the mystic 
way, such as the Buddha, who could drain off this pent-up emotional 
complex by mystic contemplation and trance experiences. ‘T'o the 
rank and file among the ascetics, as well as among the masses, this 
was a goal unattainable, even though some of them sought it most 
earnestly. 

So to these latter a face to face relation with deity or its sym- 
bols was an experienced necessity. They needed a deity whom they 
could look upon or one who in some way or other could be localized 
with their group life. It is the popular local god, or the local hero, 
raised in timeto deityhood, that is used to meet this common 
human need. And upon such the religious emotions of the individ- 
ual or the group could be expended. Consequently, parallel with 
the retirement of the Vedic gods, which resulted from the exaltation 
and Brahmanizing of the sacrifice, and parallel also with the ascetic 
struggle to achieve the goal of absorption in the Brahman, the great 
All of reality, there grew up into more and more prominence the 
crude, yet intimate, immediate, and increasingly popular worship 
of the local deity, or hero, raised to deityhood. These deities be- 
came so popular and hence serviceable for some one or other reasons 
that they passed beyond their local habitations and took on by 
accretions the qualities of other local gods, into whose local territo- 
ries the former entered as @ missionary faith. 

Therefore, it was around nuclei, such as these more popular 
local gods and heroes, that the bhakti attitude towards deity takes 
its beginnings and early development. It begins to come into pro- 
minence when the ascetic way began to be discredited and to break 
down through its inability to adequately satisfy the emotional needs 
which its technique had created and built into a pent-up inner 
complex, that had to find some normal outlet. Wecatch more or 
less distinct glimpses of the beginnings and early stages of this 
bhakti complex of habits and attitudes towards deity in the early 
development of the Vasudeva-Krishna worship in the land of modern 
Gujerat, and in the fervent emotional attitude of the Buddha to- 
wards his imaginative construct of the “middle way’’, and later 
that of his followers in their attitude towards their great leader. 
The great popularity of the Buddhist movement in its early develop- 
ment may be taken as fairly good evidence that the bhakti attitude, 
which it cultivated in its adherents towards their great leader, now 
made adeity, meta deeply-felt human need which had not been 
supplied by the ascetic way. It is not without its significance that 
great numbers of ascetics entered the Buddhist movement, if we 
may trust even to a modest degree the literary sources which reflect 
such an influx from the ascetic way of life. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 239 


This bhakti development, like that ofthe Jain and Buddhist 
movements, seems to have been popular and un-Brahmanical in its 
early stages. But unfortunately when we first get a more or less 
distinct view of it, it already has become Brahmanized. 


In the ninth century of our era Shankaracharya arose in South 
India as a great protagonist of the Vedantic development of Hindu 
philosophical thought. It is held that his literary work goes to show 
that his controversial materials get their point and setting as attacks 
on Buddhism. Be this as it may, his Advaita philosophy cut the 
ground from underneath the dualism, or ‘‘modified monism”’ of 
which Ramanuja, the great religious reformer of some centuries later 
in South India, was an advocate and consequently an opponent 
of the unqualified Monism, of Shankaracharya. He attacked the 
latter vigorously as being an incorrect interpreter of the earlier liter- 
ature. Thibaut holds that it is more likely that it is Shankara 
and not Ramanuja who is the innovator in the advocacy of an un- 
qualified Monism, as being taught by the earlier literature. 


As the work of Ramanuja was prepared for by a group of 
preachers, controversialists, and singers in the Tamil vernacular, so 
also he is followed by those who carry forward his work with greater 
or less modification. Some generations later in this line of develop- 
ment comes Ramananda. It is with this leader, concerning whom 
we have so little accurate knowledge, that a much more popular 
turn is given to the whole Vaishnava development, than it possessed 
under Ramanuja. This bhakti way of salvation is thrown open to 
all without any restrictions as to caste or religion. Consequently, 
Ramananda’s reputed immediate group of disciples represents a 
wide range of social status, occupation, and religion. This develop- 
ment in Ramananda’s day is contemporary with a widespread reli- 
gious development, especially in North and West India and later in 
Bengal. With this development in these various areas are associated 
many leaders who preach and write in their local vernaculars. 
Hence, a great impetus and widespread popularity is given to this de- 
velopment ; into which inheritance such men as Tulasi Das came. 
This development in the line of Ramananda represents not merely a 
greater popularization of the Bhakti way of salvation, but also the 
exaltation of the hero-god Rama into the focus of attention as the 
one object of bhakti who is worthy. At present we are unable to 
determine what gave the turn to this new development. Was it the 
moral decadence of the Krishna phases of the Bhakti development, 
or was it a more or less unconscious process growing out of the fact 
that Rama had long been a popular hero, and in some places was 
revered already as deity ? 


It was into such a social inheritance that Tulasi Das came. 
Its traditional material held as one of its religious treasures this 


240 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


appealing story of the hero-deity, Rama. This story was already 
deeply integrated in the life of Tulasi’s times. If we may trust 
tradition, he grew up as a youth acquainted with this Rama story ; 
and hence, to him as to many others of his time, it was received as 
representative of historical facts. This story was of such a character 
as to exercise a powerful influence over a mind which shared along 
with others of that time a profound belief in the reality and proxi- 
mity of demons and the terrible demon-world. 


Moreover, in the social inheritance into which Tulasi came 
there was a large body of traditional material that registered a grow- 
ing distrust of and even a contempt for the ancient deities. This 
was due both to the current notions about their trivialities and 
impotence as wellas to their remoteness from the daily life and 
concerns of the people. Furthermore, it wasa current belief that 
many of these deities were not only crude and selfish, but also 
limited in their realm of authority. 


What was really needed then, it was held by Tulasi, was a 
deity like Rama, who when he lived upon earth in the Tretayuga, 
rid the earth of both the demons and their king, Ravana. To the 
masses of the people in Tulasi’s day, as is still the case to-day, this 
demon-world was ever near. From this ever-present demon-world 
the demons, almost countless in number, form and variety, were 
continually breaking-in upon the life of the people to disturb their 
peace, ruin their families, their homes, their crops and other posses- 
sions, pollute their religious rites and in general to spread terror and 
ruin everywhere. Hence, what greater and more serviceable deity 
could there be than this Rama ? In fact the ancient and so-called 
ereat deities, had to call upon Rama to deliver even them from the 
distress and devastations, which they were suffering at the hands of 
the demon-king, Ravana. The conclusion to be drawn from such 
a representation of Rama is obvious. Furthermore, this Rama was 
such a gracious deity that he granted a place in his heaven tothe 
lowliest, and even to the demons and their king, whom he slew. 
Therefore, whatever might befall one in approaching other deities 
for help, one could be sure of receiving favour at the hands of such 
a deity as Rama. Oonsiderations such as these must have been 
operative and powerful in influencing the thought and conduct of 
Tulasi as he contemplated the character of his hero-deity. Evidenc- 
es of this are to be found in all his reputed writings. 


In addition, the story of such a deity, as told and written by 
Tulasi, must have exercised a powerful influence over the masses 
of the people of North India. Otherwise Tulasi’s Ramayan would 
not have acquired so early and widespread a popularity as came 
to it quickly. To others also, more contemplative and spiritually- 
minded, the gracious and unselfish Rama must have stood out in 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 241 


striking contrast to the crude and often obscene worship of local 
cults; and also to have met real and deep needs in their lives 
which remained unmet, either by the growingly speculative charac- 
ter of the ascetic way with its Advaita philosophy, or the widely 
prevalent erotic worship of the Radha-Krishna bhakti development. 


In view of the unwholesome influences of this latter worship, 
as well as of certain phases of speculative philosophy, which are 
still so widespread in certain areas, it is difficult to over-estimate 
the extent to which Tulasi Das has lifted the life of the masges of 
Upper India to an appreciation of the finer and nobler elements of 
character. It is no less than ascholar like Sir Geo. Grierson, who 
in referring to what Tulasi Das has rendered to North India (2), 
states that he believes Tulasi’s service accounts “in great measure 
for the marked difference between the two nationalities. The 
people of Hindostan (i. e. the portion called Upper India ) acknow- 
ledge the rule, not of a reientless fate, but of a god who knows and 
loves each one of his worshippers.”’ 


We turn now to the final task which is to be attempted in 


this chapter: to set down certain conclusions, which grow naturally 
out of such astudy. 


Obviously, the first question to arise would concern itself 
with the future of this bhakti complex of religious habits and atti- 
tudes towards the deity, Rama. Down to the present this bhakti 
relationship to Rama continues in great vogue in North India. 
Hence, it still possesses real uplifting power in the life of multi- 
tudes, especially of the Hindi-speaking peoples of North India. 
Kach year multitudes, especially from among those representing 
the better elements of Hindu life, attend what is called the Ramlila 
festival where the scenes from the Ramayan are acted out ona 
great outdoor, improvised stage. Those who witness these scenes 
from the varied and tragic episodes in the life-story of Rama and 
Sita experience something akin to a religious awakening or revival. 
The popularity of this Ramlila among all, and especially among 
the more high-minded of the Hindus, is in itself evidence of the 
uplift they experience as they gaze upon the life scenes, which are 
often well-acted, of the principal characters, who live and suffer, 
as it were, before their very eyes. The emotions are deeply stirred 
and doubtless new and higher resolutions are formed by many, 
under the stimalus of the moving experiences in the life of their 
hero-deity. 

But how will it be when the story of Rama ceases to be taken 
as literal history ? At present the educated for the most part, as 
well as the ignorant, think of Rama just as he is pictured in Tulasi’s 
work, rather than as a highly idealized character into whose life 
and outlook upon the world religious leaders and philosophers 


242 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


alike have read from time to time the accumulated thought, beliefs 
and notions of centuries. Tulasi’s Ramayan, as is the case also 
with Valmiki’s work as well as with the Mahabharata, has become 
a great literary receptacle for stray bits of primitive notions, re- 
ligious beliefs and practices, belonging now to one and now to 
another of the three chief ways for the attainment of salvation, 
as well as religious and philosophical speculation, belonging now 
to one and now to another of the chief schools of thought in India. 
For example, Rama in one connection may be found talking as a 
Sankhya philosopher, in another as a Vedantist, or, in still 
another, as an adherent of the Yoga system of religious practice. 
In still others heis seen inthe roleof the qualityless Brahman, 
or again at the opposite extreme asa mere man, distressed and 
ignorant as to the whereabouts of his devoted spouse, Sita. 


Who was the real Rama that lived in the long ago; and what 
was he like? He wascertainly very different from the Rama, who 
appears in the pages of Tulasi’s work. Evidences of this may be 
had from a study of the older portions of Valmiki’s work and from 
the Rama portions of the Mahabharata. Rama undoubtedly re- 
presents an historical character, rather thana mere construct of 
the imagination. If he were the latter the character delineations 
would not be so clear and specific as they are from the very begin- 
ning. However, when historical criticism is really brought to 
bear upona study of the Rama material and separates out the 
Rama that was from the Rama that he came to be when he became 
exalted to deity-hood, then distressful times will come to all those 
who now in deep sincerity and with serious-mindedness have 
regarded Tulasi’s Ramayan as their sacred scriptures; and whose 
every word has been held as divine and authoritative. Then the 
corroding influences of doubt, if such worshippers would remain 
Sincere, or the degrading influences of insincerity, if any such 
would pretend what he does not believe, will begin to play havoc 
in the inner lives of many who are now sincere followers of Rama. 
When once the leading ideas of any religious faith have become 
incredible or deeply disintegrated, those who hold that faith, may 
continue to observe its ancient practices, but it is not possible for 
such religious faith to exercise the old influence over their minds 
and hearts that it once did. That will be largely gone, never to 
return. The followers of Rama are approaching such times religi- 
ously. 


There is another influence which has served indirectly, at 
least, to maintain the popularity of Rama among the thousands of 
those who worship him. It is belief in demons and in the reality 
of the demon-world. Toa great many even among the educated 
today, as well as among the ignorant, the demons and the demon- 
world are terrible and ever-present realities, Only here and there, 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 243 


even among the educated Hindus, will one be found who holds 
that the demons as well as their world have been man’s creation. 
It is he who, ever since the long ago, has peopled his world with 
them. What a terrible fear is this of demons. Its enslaving power 
to mind and body alike is difficult to measure. When belief in 
demons and the demon-world fades out of the convictions of great 
masses of the Hindu people, as it is bound todo with the growth 
of the historical and social science disciplines, then one of the great 
reasons why Rama has presented such an appeal to the hearts of 
multitudes will have passed away. This process is already under 
way. Notlongagoa prominent speaker, who isa Hindu, stated 
that Rama is nota deity suited to our times. Rama, he said, be- 
longs rather to more primitive times when Hindus believed many 
things which they cannot now hold. Thus it is that corroding 
doubts about Rama are already at work making some Hindus at 
least feel that he is not a deity who can render to people the inner 
reinforcement of which they stand in need most in a modern 
world. 


Hence, the world of that time and Rama also were very dif- 
ferent from what is represented. But even if Rama did livein 
such a world and was the Rama who has been represented in this 
work of Tulasi, yet it is legitimate to raise the question seriously 
as to whether or not the world in which Rama lived isa normal 
one ? The Rama-world to which Tulasi introduces us is a 
world that is shot through and through with ascetic notions, with 
an ascetic temper of mind and outlook upon life and the world. 
In the Rama-world the true type of life is that of the ascetic, rather 
than that of the worthy man of the work-a-day world. Rama 
himself lived as an ascetic for fourteen years; and throughout the 
rest of his career as well as during his earlier years his was the as- 
cetic temper of mind and outlook upon the world. He was the 
model ascetic. Moreover, in the world of Rama as well as in the 
heavens above and inthe underworld of his times the really great 
ones were its ascetics. Even the deities in heaven required to be 
diligent in ascetic practices in order that they might maintain the 
heavenly seats which they had thereby won. In fact, it is not 
overstating the matter to state that a perusal of Tulasi’s work leaves 
one with the impression that the whole universe of which Tulasi 
gives us glimpses is one constructed and fitted for ascetic uses. All 
this makes it obvious that those who wrought this Rama material 
into shape, as we now have it, were men with the ascetic temper 
of mind and outlook upon life and the world. Their own world 
in which they lived and did their thinking was such a world. Hence, 
they made the world of Rama like untoit. Indeed, how little 
of the great literature of India is there that is not the product of 
this same ascetic temper of mind, or that is untouched by it ? 


244 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


However, one would be blind to facts did one fail to recog- 
nize the service which asceticism has rendered to the past of India’s 
life. And just in this connection Dr. Farquhar has given us (3) 
such an admirable summary of what India of the past owes to the 


ascetic movement that one could not do better than quote rather 
fully therefrom:— 


‘“‘When the monastic movement first appeared in India, it 
was the greatest intellectual and religious force of the time. It 
laid hold of all the noblest minds and ruled them: and for many 
centuries thereafter the highest spiritual life of the country found 
for itself in its discipline a sufficient, a satisfying expression. Nor 
need we wonder. Surely one cannot study this great old history 
without being struck with the splendid height and dignity of the 
aims of the movement andthe seriousness of the men who took 
part init. Only high ideals most earnestly pursued could have 
produced the lofty literature of monasticism, the Upanishads and 
the Buddhist Suttas. Butif the principles were high and noble 
they were applied with a fearlessness, a devotion, a courage and a 
constancy to which there are very few parallels. As long as the 
world lasts, men will look back with wonder upon the ascetics of 
India. Their quiet surrender of every earthly privilege and plea- 
sure, and their strong endurance of many forms of suffering will 
be an inspiration to all generations of thinking Indians. For near- 
ly three thousand years the ascetics of India have stood forth, a 
speaking testimony to the supremacy of the spiritual. Whether 
men were willing to learn the truth or not, no one could shut his 
eyes to the object-lesson held up before India. The very fact of 
the existence of the order of sannyasis set material splendour and 
worldly pleasures in their proper place of complete subordination 
to the spiritual. Further, the life of the sannyasi has dignified 


poverty in India....that a poor man is worthy of as much honour 
as a rich man.’’ 


Unfortunately, however, this is not the whole story of ascet- 
icism in India. The ascetic movement, on the other hand, has 
much to answer for. In the first place and in general the world 
of the ascetic is not a normal world. Moreover, his outlook upon 
the world is abnormal. For example, if all should become ascetics, 
then who would dothe work of the world in creating the food 
supply to feed the hungry, or produce the clothing to clothe the 
naked? A manner of life, which, if all were to choose to follow 
it, would halt or break down the great processes of production, 
necessary to preserve and promote the life of the race, is nota 
normal type of life. Hence, wherever sucha manner of life, or 
even attitudes towards such a life, isin the ascendancy amonga 
race or a nation, then sooner or later deeply undesirable results 
eventuate. India has long suffered from an excess of the ascetic 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 245 


temper of mind and outlook upon the world and life. Whenever 
asceticism is in the ascendancy, so that the ascetic becomes thought 
of as the only type of person that isto be regarded as. the model 
religious person, then all, who through the exigencies of their 
situation are compelled to live their lives in the work-a-day world, 
are placed at a distinct discount religiously. Furthermore, in time 
this brings about the generally accepted notion that it is only the 
ascetic, who can be really religious. And what is still more un- 
desirable: tendencies flow from this to make ascetics a religious 
aristocracy, who becomea law unto themselves. Then, owing to 
the very nature of the ascetic’s life his deity, like himself, becomes 
more and more remote not only from the common life of man, but 
even from the ascetic also, as we have seen in the Brahman-Atman 
speculative development. The evil results of such a development 
of practice and thought are obvious, and are all about us in India. 


The sources that have given rise to and promoted this ascetic 
temper of mind and outlook, as found in India, lie deep in her 
religion and philosophy. Hence, it will cost her manya hard 
struggle before she will be able to deliver her soul from such in- 
fluences. However, the most tragic weakness that lies at the root 
of /ndian asceticism is that it makes renunciation of the world the 
‘“‘be all and the end all’ of the ascetic’s efforts, rather than a 
means—not the only one, however—whereby one may give oneself 
more fully to a life of self-sacrificing service for others. This phase 
of it has been succinctly set forth by Dr. Urquhart (4). “The princ- 
iple of asceticism, when carried to an extreme, involves a repre- 
hensible distrust of life.........We find the distrustful tendency 
permeating the whole philosophy of Maya. Practically the same 
spirit is evidenced in the self-mutilations of the Yogi and the ‘one- 
pointed’ contemplation of the mystic. In all these phases of thought 
and practice there is evident a tendency to spread renunciation to 
the whole of existence, to think that the world is altogether evil 
because it gives us the opportunity of doing evil, to wish to des- 
troy all our human impulses because some of them are the occasions 
of temptation. The axe is laid to the root of a tree which would 
yet be capable of bearing fruit if only its unduly luxuriant branches 
were pruned.’’ 


The nemesis of this fundamental weakness in Indian ascetic- 
ism is upon the movement in India to-day. To quotefrom Dr. 
Farquhar again, “the whole monastic movement of modern India 
is already in decay. Sadhus stand nearer the popular faith than 
the ancient orders did, but they cannot be said to wield great in- 
fluence. Comparatively few men of culture and intellectual power 
enter the orders: and, while here and there men of real spirituality 
and beautiful character are found among them, and now and then 
aman of education and distinction becomes a sannyasi, Hindus 


246 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


are forward to confess that most of the ascetics of to-day are of 
little worth. The man who is too lazy to work finds the holy life 
a paradise. The yellow robe is only too often used to hide the 
criminal. There is no living-thought movement among them. 
Most of them are ignorant men. Many use the Gita, the Hindi 
work, Vicharasagara, or some other philosophical manual; but more 
are content with the mantra and the symbols of their order. As 
the deeper ideas of the movememt have gradually been lost sight of, 
the spirit of pagan polytheism has re-asserted itself; and the ascetic 
life is more and more conceived asa sort of meritorious discipline 
which makes the man religiously holy, but has no connection with 
MOCLALILY oR pu. debek ve The sadhu ig outside the modern movement al- 
together, a boulder left in our fertile valley by a moving glacier 
which has long ago spent itself. He is altogether out of touch and 
Sympathy with the large questions and mighty activities which are 
agitating India to-day: Education, Social Reform, Religious Re- 
form, Politics, Economic Progress. He knows nothing of them, 
or is opposed to them, like the temple Brahmans all over the land. 
He is quite unfit to lay his hand on any of the interests of our time. 
The men who really lead India to-day are in law, medicine, 
education, government service, journalism, business. The ideas 
which interest these men, the ideas which are creating the new 
India, are not the fundamental ideas of Hindu asceticism, and thug 
the sadhu knows nothing about them....... the sadhu is ¢nactive 
while self-sacrificing service is what India needs to-day....... It is of 
the utmost importance to notice in being inactive the sadhu is ab- 
solutely true to the movement which has created him....... Thus 
the reason why the educated Hindu criticizes the ascetic is that his 
own mind is filled with new ideas....... Thus the ancient ascetic- 
ism is doomed. Nothing can save it. The modern spirit demands 
something else, and the educated Hindu is the man through whom 
the new spirit is being disseminated in India.’’ 


‘‘But the acknowledgement of this fact leaves us face to face . 
with a gigantic problem. Hinduism has produced for quite two 
thousand five hundred yearsan unending procession of men and 
women ready to devote themselves, body and soul, to the highest; 
but, when they are produced, they are comparatively useless; for 
the mighty religion which inspires them to enter the ascetic life sets 
before them as their ideal the life of the actionless Brahman. But 
what India needs to-day isa great army of self-sacrificing men, 
ready to toil for the uplifting of the poor and the down-trodden, 
and for the advancement of education, agriculture, industry, art, 
morality, religion. What is needed is the man inspired to living 
Service, not the yogi rapt in oblivious meditation.”’ 


‘‘Thus the problem is, How are Hindus to be inspired to un- 
Selfish service? Clearly, it cannot be by any form of Hindu phil- 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 247 


osophy; for that leads to inaction. Nor can there be any doubt 
that such inspiration can come only from religion. Where can 
we find a motive sufficient for the purpose ?”’ 


‘‘Whatever Hindus may think of Christianity, everyone ac- 
knowledges that it stirs men and women to unselfish service. It 
can and does produce men and women who toil for others. That 
Christ has been a ministering angel to India, no honest son of 
India will deny. Who will ever be able to measure the amount 
of service done to India by Christians along the following lines ? 
—education for boys, primary, secondary, university and industrial; 
education for girls in school, college and zenana; orphanages, 
widows’ homes, education for the blind; medical relief by means of 
doctors (both men and women), nurses, dispensaries, hospitals; 
leper asylums; rescue homes for fallen women; famine relief; and, 
last of all, the uplifting of the depressed classes.”’ 


In view of all these facts how can one but feel convinced 
that the world of asceticism in which Rama lived is not a normal 
world? Hence, it cannot abide asa world of thought and life 
that will long hold the religious faith and active interest of those 
who have begun tothink andlive ina modern world. The dis- 
ciplinary values and the intellectual product of the ascetic move- 
ment may abide and be prized yet more wisely and truly than they 
are to-day. But the ascetic world of Rama is bound to pass away 
from the appreciations and the religious convictions of men. And 
when it does, it will never return. There is need, therefore, to 
prepare the multitudes of those who are now devoted to Rama for 
the great transition, lest, like others have often done in the past: 
they cast aside faith in religion itself. 


This study has shown: that with the growth of the ascetic 
movement and the Brahman-Atman speculation—its corollary in the 
field of religious speculation—the Bhakti development came into 
prominence as a reaction to the over-intellectualization of religion, 
which the former promoted. The cry of Tulasi, voiced through 
the model bhakta, Bhusundi, that ‘‘ the worship of the Impersonal 
laid no hold upon my heart’’ was one that expressed the heart 
hunger of thousands of his own as well as of previous generations. 
Otherwise, the Bhakti development would not have grown so ra- 
pidly or become as widespread as it did in the centuries preceding 
Tulasi, as well as during his own. 

The remainder of this heart-cry, expressed through Bhusundi, 
was that he ‘‘had an overpowering devotion towards an incarnation 
of the Supreme (5)’’. Such a longing has been voiced again and 
again through the centuries not only in India but also in other 
lands and continents. 

What were the occasions that would tend to promote such 
motions and usages? Was it due to something of the nature of 


248 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


rationalizing processes that tended to remove the deities from man 
and to shake his certainty about them. If so, then would there 
not bea tendency for notions and usages to arise that would bring 
the god-world back again into the intimacies of man’s life? This 
we do not know. But it certainly would not be strange if it had so 
happened. It was just in the barren speculative stages of the 
Brahman-Atman and ascetic developments when both the incarn- 
ation circle of ideas and also the use of images came into marked 
prominence in India’s religious history (6). 


It is significant that in such times the incarnation circle of 
ideas and practice comes into prominence. In such a Situation 
there is a felt-need to bring the receding deity or deities back again 
into the affairs and haunts of men. The use of images and symbols 
of deity came into use undoubtedly originally to meet a similar 
need. It would appear that as far as India is concerned the incarn- 
ation circle of ideas in the beginning, both of its practice and think- 
ing, was promoted by the use of popular heroes and local gods, such 
as Krishna and Rama. Imaginative constructs out of which aiti- 
tudes towardsa hero are built into the mind of an individual or 
a group pass easily and almost unconsciously over into those that 
are directed towards deity. The difference is largely one of direct- 
ion. The attitude itself is largely the same. 


In these earlier stages of man’s religious development he has 
exhibited again and again this more or less pronounced tendency 
towards the use of something to represent what he conceived to be 
deity. The reason for this is not far to seek. It is found in the 
very character of man’s inner life. One of the outstanding features 
of his inner life, which impresses one, is the conversational charact- 
er of its on-going processes, whether those be of thinking, of direct 
or imaginative intercourse with some present or absent friend, or 
of communion with deity. To take, for example, the process of 
thinking. It will be found that there are always two individuals 
within one when the process of thinking is proceeding. One is 
talking while the other is listening. Then the latter becomes the 
speaker and the former the listener. In this manner the process 
of what we call ‘‘ thinking a problem through”’ proceeds. But 
supposing we find that we are unable to think the problem through 
in the manner described, what are we likely todo next? How 
often it has occurred that the next procedure followed is social 
intercourse with a face-to-face friend, or what is often more prob- 
able: an imaginative conversation with some absent trusted friend, 
whom we feel will be able to help usin our problem. This time 
the conversation is with another and not with a part of one’s inner 
self. This we call social intercourse. Supposing, however, that 
the problem, demanding solution, relates to some dark tragedy, or 
hidden aspiration which we feel no friend, not even our closest, 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 249 


would understand, then what are we likely todo ? We talk it over 
with what we consider to be deity, do we not? This we call commu- 
nion or prayer. The important fact, which it is desired to emphasize 
here, is that all this procedure of our inner life is an illustration of 
the conversational character of man’s inner life. And what is 
more: this conversational feature seems so fundamental to the very 
structure of man’s inner life that we do not seem to be able to get 
down to levels in our personality that are deeper than this commun- 
al character. The conversational process seems to be of the very 
stuff of which our inner life is built up. In fact, so long ag man 
has sense-organs, especially those of touch and sight, and so long 
as the structure of his inner life continues conversational in its 
inmost character, that long we need not be surprised to find in 
him a more or less definite tendency to search out ways and means 
to bring deity near to himself, that he may be certain about the 
former’s reality and character. 


When does this conversational character of man’s inner life 
begin to be built up ? So far as we are able to judge of this mat- 
ter, it begins with the child when it starts to talk and to set up sym- 
bols for things in its child-world. The child talks aloud with its 
dollies, its blocks and with its whole child-world. It is building up 
unconsciously the conversational structure of its inner life. How- 
ever, until such time asthe child ceases to talk aloud to its child- 
world this whole process remains very largely an external one. 
Gradually, however, the change comes in making it an internal 
experience. There are some, however, who continue throughout 
life ‘‘to think aloud’’. This common characteristic in the life of 
all children, as well as of all men, is exceedingly suggestive in show- 
ing how much anyone’s inner life has in common with all others, 
regardless of race, time or clime. This helps to make clear why 
all babies are so much alike. It is only later that the differences 
arise. And these are due primarily to the differing social inherit- 
ances with their differing traditional material in which the child 
becomes nurtured. 


Furthermore, religion, whether primitive or modern, is the most 
moving experience ina man’s life. It has most to do with his in- 
ner life, which, as we have just seen, has most in common with 
his fellows. Moreover, although religion is a growing experience, 
yet the great religious problems that have vexed the heart of man 
through the ages have also muchin common. They have swung 
around three great problems as foci. First, is there really a deity 
and, if so, is he one who cares? Second, what are we to think 
about evil and its relation to man and deity ? Third, has man the 
need and reason to hope for redemption from this evil? It has 
been now one and now another of these great problems, which 
‘‘the shocks of circumstance’’, whether to individual or to race, 


250 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


have thrown up into the foreground of man’s religious experience. 
These ‘shocks of circumstance’’ evoke questions and these latter 
press heaviest upon the inner life of man and demand an answer 
in times of great transition. These are times, for example, when 
any old and deeply rooted social order, with its related political, 
social and religious sanctions begins to break down, giving place to 
anew one. Then, if ever, uncertainties spring up in the life of 
man to vex him and make him unsure of the things in which he 
has long trusted without question. But the inner life of man can- 
not be nurtured long on uncertainties. An intimate and present 
deity in whom he can have confidence renders him what he needs 
in his deepest inner life. It ig in this fundamental hunger for 
certainity, which is met in an imagined or real fellowship with 
deity, that the representation of deity has found its basis in man’s 
inner life and has nurtured the practice of image-worship in its 
varied forms. The story both of image-worship and of the use of 
symbols for deity is a long and varied one in the religious history 
of the human race. 


Although the origins of both image-worship and symbols of 
deity, as well as the incarnation circle of ideas, are as yet hidden in 
obscurity, this much at least is clear: neither of these arose during 
the most primitive stages of man’s group life (7). In fact it was 
only after such groups had already attained a considerable degree of 
civilization. For example, the use of images and symbols of deity 
came into prominence after groups had acquired certain skills in the 
outward expression of their feelings and thoughts. 


India’s part in this story of image-worship is a long and dif- 
ficult one to trace. The reasons for this are stated in an earlier 
chapter (8). This much, however, is clear that the Mahayana 
phase of the Buddhistic religious development had no inconsider- 
able share in promoting the early development of image-worship 
practice in India (9). This much also is clear: that this particular 
phase of Buddhism was in turn influenced deeply by Greek re- 
ligious art. 

Rama also, as has been indicated elsewhere (10), was a sharer 
in the practice of image or symbol-worship. In modern times 
much has been spoken and written in India in defence of this type 
of worship. However, from the character of the arguments and 
the defence presented for its justification it is obvious that a real 
genuine faith in this kind of worship has become deeply disintegrat- 
ed. It is not characteristic of man to defend by long and often 
obviously specious arguments that in which he believes implicitly 
and profoundly. The obvious truth is that a deep faith in image 
and symbol worship is beginning to disintegrate, if not even pass 
away. In fact very few educated Hindus, even from among those 
who defend the practice, believe in it sincerely. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 20k 


However, it would appear that no one of the arguments used 
in the defence of this worship has reached downto a recognition 
of how fundamental the conversational character of man’s inner 
life is, and also the far-reaching implications of this fact in relat- 
ion to the type of deity he must have to bring to the devotee an 
abiding conviction as tothe reality and character of deity. The 
failure in general of both idolater and non-idolater to recognize the 
implications of this fundamental characteristic of man’s inner life 
has hindered each from getting down tothe fundamental reason 
why image and symbol-worship have exercised sucha profound 
and long continued influence over the mind and spirit alike of both 
individuals and groups, where such practices have long been in 
vogue, Although Dr. Farquhar in his “Crown of Hinduism’’ has 
not referred tothe psychology of idolatry, yet he has described 
with rare ability the attitudes of the great bhakti saints towards 
their chosen deities. These make it plain (11) “that the chief joy 
they recéived from idols was in seeing them daily, in asking for 
guidance from them, in hearing them speak, in rapturous dancing 
and singing before them, in receiving food and water from the 
god’s table, andin the ecstasy of bhakti. The ordinary Hindu 
wants a temple near his home, that he may be able to see his god 
at any moment, to make him an offering of food, to ask for his 
help in distress or in danger, to pour out his heart in prayer or 
in praise. It is the living, present god that the human heart adores 
with rapture and gratitude. This is the reason for the limitless 
multiplication of temples, for the idols of the home and the little 
shrines by the roadside. The Hindu must have aliving god to 
turn to wherever he is’’. 


This attitude of bhakti towards the image or symbol, which 
has been delineated with such rare skill by Dr. Farquhar, has not 
been appraised at its real and priceless value. ‘This has been due 
largely to the fact that the rich spiritual wealth of this sincere 
bhakti attitude has been expended so often in India in the worship 
of some image or symbol of deity, which to the non-idolater is of- 
ten not only crude but sometimes even obscene and hideous. The 
latter, however, has not been nurtured from childhood in a social 
inheritance, that carries this practice asa part of its traditional 
material. Hence, the feeling-tone that suffuses the latter’s mind 
as he observes a devout soul bowing before an image or a symbol 
is one of disgust, rather than otherwise. Hence, for such an one 
it is not only practically impossible to sense the feeling-tone of the 
worshipper before the image or symbol, but in addition it is ex- 
ceedingly difficult for him to disassociate the deep and sincere at- 
titude of devotion of the worshipper from the image and appraise 
the former quite apart from the latter. Yet this is what must be 
done and unless and until it is done full justice cannot be done 


252 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


to the soul’s wealth of devotion of anyone who bows in deep sin- 
cerity of heart before an image or symbol of conceived-of deity. 
To the non-idolater-observer the thing that stands out in his mind 
and ‘‘shocks’’ him is the image before which the worshipper bows, 
rather than the worshipper’s devotion. This ‘‘shock’’ experience 
releases more or less feeling in the mind of the observer, which in 
turn inhibits his recognition of the significance of the attitude of 
sincere devotion, apart from the object upon which it is expended. 
Then, on the other hand, the worshipper of images and the symbols 
of his deity has integrated in his experience his attitudes of devotion 
towards deity so deeply with something that is intimately con- 
nected with some one or other of his sense-organs. Hence, it is exceed- 
ingly difficult for him, on the other hand, to enter into the exper- 
ience of worship without merging in his mind this experience with 
some tangible object that has come down to him through the 
traditional sanctions in his social inheritance. This is why, as 
has been indicated already, this type of worship is ultimately so 
enslaving to the mind and sgpirit, both of individuals and of 
groups. 


There is great need that someone should write a psych- 
ology of idolatry. This would aid greatly in the first place in 
promoting a real understanding as to why this practice in worship 
has exercised such a long and powerful influence in the religious 
experience of man. This is greatly needed by the non-idolater. 
This should not be taken to mean that he would have a less com- 
promising attitude to such a practice. But it would create a more 
intelligent attitude towards and some real appreciation of the signi- 
ficance of image and symbol-worship in the religious experience 
of man. For it must be confessed that hitherto the attitude of the 
non-idolater generally, such as is exhibited in the Jew, the Christ- 
ian and the Mohammedan, while it has been robust and sincere, 
has not been marked by an appreciation of the oriyinal significance 
of image and symbol-worship asa struggle of the heart and mind 
of man to bring deity near to himself and make such intimate with 
his daily life, so that man might be sure of deity and of his charact- 
er. Tothe non-idolater for the most part image and symbol-wor- 
ship have been regarded as an invention of the devil, or of some 
demon-power. Hence, it has been the object of his stern and al- 
most ruthless denunciation. Such an attitude, which is always 
suffused with feeling, inhibits an appraisal of this type of worship, 
such as has been suggested above. But this must be done before 
we can set down a just appraisal of the original significance of 
such worship. 


Then, on the other hand, a psychological study of idolatry 
would discover for the one who practises such a worship the dis- 
tinction between his devout attitude of sincere worship and the 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 253 


object towards which he directs it. It would domore. It would 
raise in his mind the whole problem of the object and its needed 
worthiness in order to be worthy of and to continue to evoke this 
attitude of sincere worship on the part of the worshipper. In 
brief, it would render impossible any sincere worship of images or 
symbols as representative of deity. Hence, there is great need 
that someone well qualified should attempt such a task. 


In the meantime and in spite of its defenders, the worship of 
images and symbols is dying out among educated Hindus. To 
quote again from Dr. Farquhar, (12) ‘‘the exigencies of the time 
will compel Indian leaders to seek to destroy the practice among 
the common people. For the belief that every image is a living 
god, who is able to bless or curse, and that food, water, flowers, 
and every other thing that comes in contact with the image is 
charged with supernatural power, is the chief source of the limit- 
less mass of superstitions under which the Hindu people live en- 
slaved. Two things at least are necessary if a vigorous people is 
to be built up in India: the villager must be set free from super- 
stition and he must be educated. Idolatry is thus one of the chief 
hindrances to the progress of India. ‘The clear-sighted patriot 
will do his utmost to wean the simple villager from idols....... There- 
fore, educated men, who themselves already emancipated from 
idols, ought at once to turn to the task of setting the people free 
from their superstitions. But how? Man has his clamant religi- 
ous needs. History brings us face to face with this most solemn 
fact, that, if these needs are not fulfilled spiritually, they seek 
satisfaction in the grossness of idolatry. One writer proposes to 
cleanse the temples from idols and use them as schools for religious 
instruction. But that will not prevent the reappearance of idols. 
We must find a spiritual force as vivid and as real as idolatry, and 
as fully charged with religious emotion, a spiritual dynamic which 
will render idols obsolete by appealing as successfully as they do, 
and yet in healthy spiritual fashion, to the religious imagination 
and feeling....It is one of the marvels of Christ that heis able to 
make such an appeal and to make it effectively; so that the man 
who has been used to the accessibility of idols and the joy and 
passion of their worship finds in him, in purest spiritual form, 
more than all the emotion and stimulus to reverent adoration which 
their vividness used to bring him.”’ 


‘‘There is the richest devotional life and the most living wor- 
ship in Christianity without idols, because Christ takes their place. 
In him the purest spiritual monotheism rises to the highest joy and 
adoring veneration; sothat the full range of man’s religious fac- 
ulties find exercise and expression, but in noblest, truest forms, 
altogether apart from the degrading superstitions of idolatry. 


254 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


‘Idolatry has proved its power not only by its mastery over 
the nations but by creating architecture and sculpture. One of 
the clearest proofs that Christ has completely taken the place of 
idols is this, that in Judaism and Mohammedanism, the other two 
faiths which condemn idolatry, the consciousness of the danger 
and the fascination of idols is so great that the faithful are for- 
bidden to make statues and other representations of men and 
animals, lest they should be drawn to worship them, while Christ- 
ians, by their knowledge of God in Jesus Christ, are set completely 
free from this terror, and are therefore able to use sculpture and 
painting with perfect freedom. Christianity, so far from standing 
in the way of art, has stimulated architecture, sculpture, painting 
and music to the utmost. This is precisely what India needs, a 
pure spiritual worship to set her free from the need of idols. We 
shall therefore, do well to ask how Christ satisfies the instincts 
which in so many lands have found satisfaction in idolatry.”’ 


It remains now to point out the part that the incarnation 
circle of ideas is suited to render in bringing deity near to man 
and intimate with the latter’s world. Regarding incarnation notions, 
Archbishop Soderblom (13) holds that this idea in its proper sense 
seems to have originated in Egypt. Then, through the medium 
of Hellenism it attained its highest form of thought in Christianity 
and heterodox Islam. Is there any historical connection between 
this early development in Egypt and that of India? Is the real 
explanation, on the other hand, primarily psychological, in which 
man, wrestling with similar problems in a period of religious 
transition, wrought out a pattern of practice and thought that has 
much in common with what others have done in fundamentally 
similar religious conditions? Originally, scholars would have given 
Scant consideration to such a probable explanation. However, 
what we are concerned with just here is primarily not an effort 
to trace the probable historical connections between the Egyptian 
and Indian incarnation-notion developments, but rather to indicate 
the situation in which ideas and practices come into prominence, 
such as are found in the incarnation development. Furthermore, 
they emerge into prominence because they undoubtedly minister 
more or less definitely to some deep need in man’s inner life and 
thought at such times. 


However, although both the incarnation circle of ideas and 
the use of images and varied symbols for deity seem to have come 
into use in the service of the inner life of man at certain definite 
stages in his group’s religious development in some such way as 
has been indicated above, yet the former is more intimately con- 
nected with what are predominantly imaginative constructs, such 
aS mental images, rather than the latter. These latter, on the other 
hand, have their most intimate connections with habits and attitudes 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 255 


of worship that are registered primarily in the nerves of the sense- 
organs; and hence, habits and attitudes, thus formed, are enslaving 
as well as difficult for individuals as well as groups to free ‘them- 
selves from; and, this too, after any such may have obtained even 
a degree of intellectual freedom from such notions. While it is 
true that the materials for the construction of images that are 
mental, because they are created from within, are taken from man’s 
experiential world, yet man uses these materials to create something 
quite new—an imaginative-construct—into which he puts more or 
less of himself. Hence, all the mental images, so formed, are much 
more within man’s own control. They are much more plastic and 
modifiable with the growth of man’s experience and thought than 
is the case with habits and attitudes of worship that are linked up 
primarily with some one or other of the sense-organs. In time these 
latter are sure to prove a bondage to mind and spirit, rather than 
otherwise. In this psychological fact lies the tragedy as well asthe 
enslavement of mind and spirit that come from image-worship, or 
the worship of anything which is capable of being experienced by 
one or more of the sense-organs, and which is meant to symbolize 
deity. 

Thus it becomes possible for incarnation notions to be modified 
unconsciously and in keeping with man’s expanding knowledge. 
This deeply significant psychological fact makes plain how it is 
possible for the incarnation-technique to remain long in the service 
of man religiously, as a means of interpreting deity in intellectually 
and religiously satisfying ways long after any image or symbol, 
perceptible to one or other of the sense-organs, has ceased to render 
him a similar service. The image or symbol, because it is an object 
of sense-perception, is capable of very little if any modifiability in 
the religious habits, attitudes and notions of man, whereas the 
incarnation circle of ideas, being primarily a construct of the imagi- 
nation, is capable of almost indefinite refinement and extension. 
This latter fact is a matter of common observation wherever some 
form or other of the incarnation doctrine has been brought into 
service as interpretative-technique in giving man an awareness of 
and a confidence in the nearness of a deity, whocares for his 
devotees at least. Hence, it is not strange that among many other 
races, besides those of India, some type or other of this incarnation- 
technique has been a religiously satisfying and hence an efficent 
means in enabling man to think and to feel assured of both the 
nearness as well as the integration of deity in the midst of his life. 
It enables the latter to feel that deity is one who really cares as 
well as one who is at home in the intimacies of human life and 
its daily needs. However, it is legitimate to raise the question as 
to whether or not the incarnation-technique is likely to continue, 
as in the past and toa large extent even in the present, intellectually 


256 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


and religiously satisfying in interpreting the nearness and the 
care of deity for man’s highest welfare. Will it also pass away as 
the image and symbol, as interpretative-technique of deity are being 
retired rapidly now wherever peuple have become sufficiently 
objective in their thinking to be able to turn back and criticize the 
tools whereby they interpret deity both to themselves and to others ? 
In the past there were those, who, like Kabir, would have none of 
the notions of incarnation. Was this due to his early religious 
nurture? There are such also to-day, who do not find this circle 
of ideas intellectually or religiously satisfying in giving assurance 
either as to the nearness or reality of deity. Moreover, we need 
not be surprised to find that this is a growing conviction among 
many of the more serious-minded to-day. However, this is not to 
be interpreted as implying that the setting aside of any or all of 
the current incarnation doctrines, whether non-Christian or Christ- 
ian, means therefore or necessarily setting aside also either the 
truth or the conviction about deity coming into human life to give 
a deep and abiding assurance to the mind and heart of man as to 
the reality, character and nearness of deity to the life and daily 
needs of mankind. Just as it does not follow necessarily that the 
setting aside of any or all of the current theories of the Atonement 
means therefore either rejecting the truth or setting aside the deep 
abiding conviction that Jesus is Saviour, so it does not necessarily 
follow that a rejection of any or all incarnation doctrines implies 
also a setting aside of the great truth or deep assurance that deity 
has come into human life to reveal himself and redeem mankind. 
However, this is not the place to trace at length the implications 
of the general observation, just stated. What one is concerned with 
here primarily is a recognition of the fact that the incarnation circle 
of ideas is suited to render a profoundly significant and long contin- 
ued service religiously and intellectually, as compared with that of 
the image or symbol of deity, in giving manan assurance of the 
nearness and graciousness of deity. 


The conversational nature of. man’s psychic processes has an 
even more intimate connection with incarnation notions, rather 
than with image or symbol worship. According to Dr. Soderblom 
(14), incarnation in the strict sense is not to be found among 
primitive peoples. Among such, the men and animals worshipped 
are regarded either as divine or as actual deities, rather than as 
the incarnation of deities or demons. This is just what one would 
expect to find true. It is largely and in particular those races 
that are looked upon as child-races in general culture, among whom 
one is likely to find the sincere religious use of an image as deity. 
In India, however, many of its peoples, who cannot be said to 
belong any longerin the child-stage of general racial culture, 
continue to make use of images in their worship of deity. Reference 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 257 


to the causes contributory to continuance of such practices has 
been made above. It remains to add here that any practice or 
notion that has come down through our social inheritance gets an 
advantage over usand becomes integrated in our habits, attitudes 
and uncriticized notions during the uncritical years of childhood 
and early youth. In later years and often with great difficulty 
are we able to become sufficiently objective in our thinking to 
arrive at a correct estimate of any practice or notion, such as has 
come down to us in our social inheritance. Hence, one finds 
persons who are partners in practices and notions, that do violence 
to their intellectual convictions. Herein then, may be found ano- 
ther of the fundamental reasons why many people of broad general 
culture, such as one may find in India to-day, continue the use of 
images in their worship of deity. 


Yet itis from, among such people that one is likely to find 
emerging sooner or later such explanations and also efforts that 
seek tojustify the use of images and image-worship. Such efforts 
furnish clear evidence that sincere belief in the image is suffering 
from deterioration and the corroding influences of doubt. For 
example, image-worship is justified to-day on the basis that the 
image is not the deity, but rather an aidin the worship of deity. 
But such an explanation is clearly contrary to the Hindu scriptures, 
which teach that after the installation ceremony the image actually 
becomes the deity and is to be worshipped assuch. Then again, 
image-worship, it is held, is justified from the fact that deity is 
everywhere. Hence, deity is in the image. Butif we are to take 
such an argument at its face value, then we ought to worship 
everything rather than limit our worship to certain objects. How- 
ever, the fact is that this also is a modern explanation, and an effort 
to justify an ancient practice at the bar of to-day’s intellectual 
judgment. All such explanations and efforts at justification are 
symptomatic. They are clear evidence that sincere faith in the 
image and in image-worship has begun to suffer from the canker of 
doubt. Hence, all such explanations are at best merely brief halt- 
ing places in an effort to justify image-worship. Under such 
conditions, therefore, image-worship, except among the ignorant 
whose worship for the most part is sincere, tends more and more 
to become an outward form from which the old sincerity has 
departed never to return. To the extent that sincerity departs 
from any type of worship to that extent it ceases to exercise an 
influence over the lives of all, who perform such worship. 


So far as one may be able to judge of the matter, the incarna- 
tion circle of ideas made its appearance quite suddenly in India’s 
religious history. However such a phenomenon may be interpreted, 
this much at least is clear: it answered undoubtedly to some deep 
need of the human spirit at a time when religious speculation was 


258 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


engaged in retiring deity to the status of a qualityless Brahman. 
The influence of this doctrine grew greatly, especially ag it is 
represented in the Bhagavadgita. It became attached to a wide 
range of religious interests and objects. Old stories from the Vedas 
and the Brahmanas were laid under tribute in the creation of in- 
carnations of deity. Some of these were part animal in form. 
Faith in such as incarnations of deity is fast disappearing. More 
and more to-day such stories are being taken as mythology. It is not 
possible’for a modern man to think otherwise of them. Moreover, 
mediaeval India saw practically every outstanding Vaishnava leader 
set forth as an incarnaton of either one or other of Vishnu’s retinue 
or of hissymbols. Religious groups even, whose tenets did not 
admit legitimately of such a doctrine, were nevertheless brought 
within the circle of its modifying influence. The widespread 
prevalence of this doctrine becomes all the more remarkable when 
one recalls the fact that India’s dominant philosophy is such that it 
does not admit of a real incarnation doctrine. Such is legitimate 
and seriously motivated only where the reality of the universe is 
recognized and proceeded upon. This is not possible with a doctrine 
of illusion, such as Maya. Hence, the incarnations of Krishna and 
Rama—the two which are geriously acknowledged to-day—have 
both become vitiated by the notion that this coming into human _. 
life on the part of deity is mere sport, rather than a seriously- 
motivated purpose in a world-process that has reality. However, 
the persistence of the incarnation doctrine in the face of such 
vitiating influences is eloquent testimony to the fact that the needs 
of thehuman heart are too deep and abiding to be obliterated by 
even so influential a philosophical system as the Vedantic is in 
India. It also bears witness to the fact that fundamantally there is 
something in the incarnation circle of ideas that answers to some 
deep need of the human spirit. Otherwise, the above facts are in- 
explicable. 

Although both the story of Rama and the Bhagavadgita became 
popular early, yet the latter has no reference to the former. How- 
ever, what is held to be an interpolated passage in Canto CXIX 
of the sixth book of Valmiki’s work shows that the same type of 
thinking, as applied to Krishna, is accorded to Ramaalso. The 
latter is made equal to Vishnu, who in turn ig Brahman. Hence in 
this poet’s work Rama is seen in the process of development from a 
hero to the full incarnation of Vishnu, who is Brahman. In the 
older sections of the Valmiki work Rama is nothing more than a 
hero. But in the first book he has risen to be an incarnation of 
half Vishnu’s energy, while, in the sixth, Vishnu is fully incarnated 
in him. This third exaltation of Rama receives still greater elabora- 
tion in Tulasi’s work. This latter writer emphasizes continually 
that Rama, the Supreme, is full of love and graciousness. Hence, 
he cares for his own with all tenderness. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 259 


Thus before our very eyes, as it were, Rama grows from being 
a mere hero into the qualityless Brahman. Although this process 
is not so clear in the case of Krishna, yet there can be little doubt 
but what it proceeded upon similar general lines. After a study 
of the incarnation circle of ideas, current in India, Dr. Farquhar 
(15) states “since every single Hindu incarnation is altogether 
mythical, the doctrine is dying, and will inevitably pass away. 
The changes it has undergone in the educated mind during the 
last half-century are symptoms of its dying condition....... Nor can 
the patriotic Hindu wish the doctrine to survive. He cannot desire 
that the poor of the people should be fed with mythology. A 
strong Indian nation can never be built on such diet.’’ 


There is another important consideration, connected with 
India’s incarnation doctrines. It deserves at least a passing re- 
ference. It is the wnreal human life that the incarnate deity 
assumes when entering into the life of humanity. The human 
nature, for example, in which the deity becomes incarnate is a mere 
‘‘make-believe.’’ Although the deity may behave like a human, 
yet it isall mere acting. All that Tulasi makes Rama do, for in- 
stance, is mere sport. Like an actor in a theatre Rama imitates the 
joys and sorrows, experienced by mortals. Tulasi states (16) that 
for the sake of his devotees “the very God, our lord Rama, has 
become incarnate as a king and for our supreme sanctification has 
lived as it were the life of any ordinary man. As an actor in the 
course of his performances he assumes a variety of dresses and 
exhibits different characters, but himself remains the same; such 
Garur, is Rama’s diversion, which is a source of bewilderment to 
the demons, but a delight to the faithful.’”’ When one turns to 
compare this feature of Rama’s life with that of Jesus, one is aware 
at once that he is in a very different atmosphere of thought. How 
unlike an actor ina play was Jesus. Throughout his life among 
men he exhibited a normal human nature. With it, was no “make- 
believe.’’ He was tested ‘‘in all points like as we are.’’ He lived 
the life cf our common humanity, knowing the pinch of hunger, 
the pains of intense thirst and the weariness of fatigue, such as is 
the lot of mortals. All this has far-reaching implications. The 
point we wish to emphasize in this connection is: that the way 
Jesus lived among his fellows and with God is to be regarded as 
the goal and ideal for all true living. But with Rama, on the other 
hand, it is quite different. Tulasi never once suggests that Rama 
is to be regarded as a model for mortals. He is rather to be regard- 
ed as in a class by himself and mortals are not to think of imitating 
his life (17). However, in spite of this which is supposed to be 
the ‘‘correct form’’ for mortals in relation to Rama, yet the latter’s 
life has exercised a powerful influence for good. 


260 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


The unreal human nature in which the incarnate deity lives 
while on earth leads one to set down another general conclusion, 
resulting from this study. It isthe abnormal manner in which 
human nature is regarded. Reference has been made already ina 
general way to thisabnormal outlook on human life. It remains 
now to deal with some of the more specific results that are the 
outcome of such a general attitude. For example, the very structure 
of man’s body and inner life is such that it calls for activity. This 
is the message which his muscles and neurones shout at him almost 
daily. This is implied also in the conversational character of his 
inner life. James (18) in referring to certain developments of 
thought, states that ‘‘too much questioning and too little active 
responsibility lead...to the edge of the abyss at the bottom of which 
lie pessimism and the nightmare and suicidal view of life.’’ Yet 
in the background of all of Tulasi’s presuppositions regarding 
human nature stands the inactive and anti-social ascetic; and his 
deity, like unto him, is actionless and qualityless. 


But this is not all. Such a type of life tends to take one or 
the other of two different directions. On the one hand, it may 
lead to an excess of contemplation and meditation that rarely, if 
ever, issues in any wholesome activity. This latter, however, is 
the absolutely necessary outcome of contemplation. Or, on the 
other hand, and as a reaction to the over-intellectualization of 
religion, there results an excess of emotional intoxication, as is seen 
in the trance experience and in certain phases of bhakti; and to 
which reference has been made in earlier chapters. Both of these 
types have arisen and been promoted by the widely prevalent 
abnormal outlook upon human nature and lifein general. The 
former, as stated by Dr. Urquhart (19) results in ‘‘a religious view 
of the world which is based mainly on the intellect.’’ As a result, 
this kind of a religious life is possible only for the select few. ‘*The 
effect of this narrowness upon those who are outside the privileged 
classes must be to make them feel that they are forever excluded 
from the highest state of blessedness; and the effect upon those 
who are within the charmed circle of the zlluminati—or at least, 
upon the noblest souls among them—will be to create a feeling of 
depression at the thought of the many for whom the privileges they 
themselves enjoy are impossible.”’ 


‘*When again we consider the internal disabilities of the intell- 
ect as it is exclusively relied upon and developed at the expense 
of the other faculties of human nature, certain additional pessimistic 
consequences become evident. Pure intellect has always a tendency 
to abstraction. It encourages us to think that the more general is 
the real and therefore the more important. It thus turns away our 
attention from the particularity of the universe and of ourselves. 
There is not sufficient basis for the assertion of our own individ- 


‘TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 261 


uality. All emphasis is laid upon identity, and the consequence 
is that we begin to regard our experience as the experience of God. 
Our thought may move in the direction of still greater abstraction. 
The idea of God in whom we are to be absorbed becomes, in the 
negative movement of thought, extremely vague, and in order to 
reach identity the content of the human individuality is also 
eviserated. We become wholly lost in the abstract intelligence of 
God. Or, if our thought moves rather in the direction of breadth— 
to use a spatial metaphor—and we still think of the experience of 
God and our experience as forming one experience, we shall have 
great difficulty in escaping mechanism and necessity. Our ex- 
perience and that of God form as it were ‘one block.’.........Weare 
fixed within this block according to mathematical and physical 
relations. No importance is attached to the uniqueness of person- 
ality, and our connection with our universe is interpreted almost 
entirely quantitatively. Intellectualism lands us in pretty much the 
Same position as mere naturalism.’’ 


‘‘And yet the intellect which, despises the co-operation of the 
other parts of our natureis attempting an impossible task and courting 
disaster,..... The emotions will demand satisfaction, and, if they can- 
not obtain it under the guidance of the intellect, they will disregard 
its restraint and give themselves up to the play of extravagant 
sentiment. If the intellect refuses to take the help of the concep- 
tion of human activity in its explanation of the problems of the 
world, it will find itself unable to deal with them and will be 
condemned to practical hopelessness.”’ 


Then the swing of the pendulum to the other extreme begins 
and the second type comes into prominence. ‘‘The impotence of 
the intellect,’’ to quote further from Dr. Urquhart, ‘‘had been 
discovered, and so the emotions disowned it entirely. The under- 
standing had not brought the worshippers into contact with any 
object by which their affections could be held, and so they dis- 
pensed with the control of the object altogether and allowed their 
imagination to guide their emotions in any wayward direction....... 
But in such a religion of feeling there is no permanent security for 
the human soul. For moods of exaltation we have to pay heavily 
and frequently by moods of depression, and, after repeated experi- 
ences of this alteration, even the moods of exaltation are darkened 
by the consciousness that soon they will have to give place to their 
opposite. In order to avoid this reaction we require that the 
intellect......... should abandon its pretensions to exclusive action 
and should transform itself that the constructions which it evolves 
should be of a character to allow of a natural outgoing of our 
emotions towards them.’’ 

Thus it was that undesirable results followed, whether on the 
one hand a type developed that intellectualized religion just as 


262 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


though the intellect were the all of human nature, or, on the other, 
an opposite type developed that so emotionalized religion as though 
our human nature were all emotion. Hence, both of these typical 
outlooks upon human nature, which have been dominant aa features 
of India’s religious development, are partial and consequently 
abnormal in that neither the one nor the other takes cognizance of 
the whole of human experience. For example, the structure of man’s 
body and the conversational character of his inner life all point to 
activity. Furthermore, in view of the needy world in which man 
lives, this activity ought to be serviceable to the extent even of 
being utterly self-sacrificial in its character. Yet this ascetic deve- 
lopment in India has proceeded upon and gets its significance from 
the presupposition that all these bodily powers and activity-issuing 
features of the inner life of man are not only to be dethroned, but 
even eliminated from his life. 


The ascetic spirit, moreover, is essentially a backward-looking 
one. It, for the most part, is one that has erected some one or other 
of a past social and religious order as the ideal one. In order to 
actualize this, primarily in his own life, the ascetic flees from the 
society of his own day, or else lives in more or less open revolt with 
its standardized practices and beliefs. This latter is the case also 
with the reformer. But he does it with a view to fulfilling an ideal 
which in his mind is held to be better than anything that has been 
achieved as yet in any social group. Although in the practice and 
convictions of reformer and ascetic alike there are elements that are 
more or less kin, yet the outlook of each upon life is widely differ- 
ent. That of the ascetic is backward to an order of society long past, 
which is supposed by him to be ideal. On the other hand, the 
outlook of the man with a reforming spirit is forward to an order of 
society that has not yet been realized. The ascetic flees from the 
world because he has no programme for its betterment. He is in des- 
pair regarding the present social order from which he has fled. But 
the reformer has a programme for its betterment. He, unlike the 
ascetic, is not in despair regarding not only the possibilities but also 
the necessity for the betterment of the present order in the midst 
of which he lives and labours. His confidence in this programme 
is so deep and compelling that he is ready to suffer, and even to 
give his life for the bringing in of that better order. His outlook is 
essentially self-sacrificial. This is the outlook of Jesus. He hasa 
programme for world-betterment. He calls it the “Kingdom of 
God’’. In his great prayer he prays ‘‘thy kingdom come’? Where 
does Jesus want it to come, if not in this world ? Were it otherwise 
he would not have prayed that it might ‘*come’’ (in order) ‘‘that 
thy will may be done on earth as it is in heaven’’ Hence, as is stated 
by Pfleiderer (20), ‘‘the Christian view of the world proves itself 
to be the true view by the fact that it combines the highest idealism, 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 263 


belief in the world-governing power of the good, with common- 
Sense realism which sees the world as it actually is. The Christian’s 
attitude to reality is always toa certain extent critical and polemical, 
because it measures it by his ideal, and he cannot overlook the dis- 
tance between the reality and what ought to be. But, with all this, 
for him it is not less firmly established that the world in spite of all 
its imperfections, is the work of God, the object of the redeeming 
love, the place of the coming kingdom’’—in other words, Jesus’ 
Kingdom of God. 


But the outlook of the Indian ascetic upon human nature and 
life is such that, instead of promoting in all such an ‘‘at-homeness’’ 
with his fellows in society and with the universe, it cultivates and 
places a premium upon aloofness from society and from the neces- 
sary ongoings of the ordinary world. This desire for ‘“‘at-homeness’’ 
with one’s fellows and with one’s world is an enlarging and whole- 
some human experience whereby one’s personality has opened up to 
it incalculable possibilities for enrichment and breadth of sympathy. 
But, according to the speculative phases of India’s ascetic develop- 
ment, it follows that if deity is the sole reality, then the more person- 
ality one possesses the more he becomes removed from deity. One 
result of this is to create an aristocratic ascetic group and a deity 
alike in aloofness from the life and interests of men. Yet religion 
is needed by all. Hence, it ought to beset in the very heart of 
humanity’s every-day life. It is in every-day life and in its pro- 
blems where real religion is most needed. There is where the masses 
of men have always lived. And what is more: there is where such 
will continue to live. 


It is a matter of ordinary observation that if one’s personality 
is to be kept wholesome and expanding, thinking must eventuate in 
activity. This mutual relationship is absolutely essential. Further- 
more, each of these processes must be as means to anend beyond 
rather than within itself in order that each might be kept in control 
and in alliance with this desire for ‘‘at-homeness’’ with one’s fellows 
and the universe. When high thinking and activity are thus allied 
this desire for ‘‘at-homeness”’ will be promoted. Such an outlook 
on human nature and the world will seek cooperation with others 
in the conquest of human nature and the world in the interests of 
the good, because human nature and the world will be seen to have 
relation to reality, and, therefore, to have spiritual significance. A 
normal view of human nature is one that will always hold within 
its purview the whole rather than a mere section of human experi- 
ence. India’s thinking and the types of religious life which have 
been promoted thereby are almost entirely the product of the ascetic 
temper of mind and outlook upon life. This latter, however, is 
abnormal in that it does not take in the whole of human experience. 
Such an outlook issues in making abnormal demands upon human 


264 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


nature and certainly this has been the history of the ascetic move- 
ment and its major influences. However, when such fail to bring 
‘satisfaction to the deepest in man’s personality, as India’s religious 
developments have again and again shown, then disappointment, 
doubt and pessimism ensue, 


Any outlook upon life and the world that would aspire to be 
the norm for self and for others ought to be many-sided. An out- 
look on life that takes cognizance of only one side of human life, 
whether it be that of pleasure or of pain, cannot but be more or 
less disintegrating and inimical to fundamental elements in man’s 
personality. Since Tulasi’s day life has become deeply changed 
both in its variety and in its interests. Moreover, this is certain to 
continue. Hence, the fullness of life and its many-sidedness leave 
little or no room for the narrowness of a view that degrades some 
one or other of the normal functions of human nature, and, in so 
doing, violates fundamental characteristics of man’s inner life. 


And this brings one to state still another conclusion. It is that 
any outlook upon human natare and life that discounts or ignores 
the priceless worth of human personality, and the need both for con- 
serving and enhancing it will be deficient also in its conception of 
the salvation of which man stands in need fundamentally. 


Personality, which has been truly called the “home of all our 
values’’ (21), is also the centre of our deepest needs. In its most 
fundamental characteristic it is conversational or communal. So 
far as one may be able to judge as yet, this inmost life is built up 
out of these communal experiences. Moreover, the continuance of 
this communal experience, as well as the activity-reactions resulting 
therefrom, are necessary that man’s personality-needs may be met. 
Anything that interferes with or imperils the reality and continu- 
ance of these inmost experiences disturbs more or less deeply one’s 
assurances, hopes and the ‘‘sense of oughtness.’’ Hence, it follows 
that this communal feature of our personality demands a personal 
deity. Furthermore, when one turns to view India’s religious ex- 
perience in the large it bears witness to this deep necessity in man’s 
nature. Her religious experience throughout the centuries exhibits 
a consistent demand for a deity that can be thought of and worship- 
ped as personal. The history of Jainism and Buddhism, as well as 
the whole development of Vaishnavism, furnish a commentary on 
this fundamental need of the human heart. 


It follows also that any salvation, worthy to be so designated, 
must have relation primarily to these inmost needs of man’s person- 
ality, rather than with anything that is largely material and external 
to this inmost life. This deepest need is for a great companionship, 
that is inspiring and altogether worthy. Our personality requires 
this above allelse. It is necessary, for example, in order that we 


'TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 265 


may become aware of and hate our own moral and spiritual ignor- 
ance and weaknesses. It is needed also that such noble aspirations 
as lie hidden within our own lives may awake and be fostered con- 
tinually by such a companionship. The many needy tasks and 
“shocks of circumstance’’ in the world also make such an inspiring 
companionship absolutely necessary that man have those inner re- 
sources of the spirit for his times of temptation and trial, and for 
those other times when he needs to walk steadily and surely through 
the perplexing mazes of this world’s life. 


In the light of this fundamental need, as indicated above, it 
becomes necessary to inquire as to the extent that India’s religious 
developments have recognized these needs and sought to meet 
them. It is only in the bhakti religious development that one 
finds even a slight recognition of these needs of personality. We 
have seen how that the salvation offered in the Vedic scriptures 
was primarily one that sought deliverance for its worshippers from 
temporal disabilities and calamities. While in Vedantic thought 
personality is the one great undesirable to be suppressed and 
eliminated from life by means of world-flight. But as Dr. Urquhart 
points out (22), “to deny the world’”’ is not to effect the solution 
of the problem. It is rather to run away fromit. Butin relation 
to the specific point now being considered it is “to deprive man 
of the freedom and the hope of permanence,......... is to do violence 
to his nature. We require a conception of God which will preserve 
the reality of the world, take full account of the pain and evil 
that are in it, and yet hold out the hope of progress both for the 
world and for the individuals init, allowing man to regain the 
freedom and the value of his personality throughout all the stages 
of the process and even in the ultimate consummation.’’ But this 
is just what the Vedantic thought does not do. It places a perman- 
ent discredit upon personality. Hence, it is quite impossible for 
such a system of religious thinking and practice to minister to the 
whole of human experience. 


This need of personality for intercourse with deity becomes 
insistent especially in times of individual or group crises, such as 
when the ‘shocks of circumstance’’ are experienced, in periods of 
great religious transition. It is not without deep significance that 
in the very period when the Brahman-Atman speculative develop- 
ment had removed the Supreme beyond all human thought and 
petition, the practice of image-worship and the incarnation circle of 
notions came into great vogue in India. In fact what are image- 
worship and the incarnation-ideas fundamentally but a response, 
crude and hideous though some of the representations may 
be, tothe deep felt-needs of personality for intercourse with 
deity—a deity that could be tangible, have human elements of 
character and hence, enable the worshipper to feel that his deity 


266 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


is close at hand anda part ofhis daily life? Then again what 
is the manifestly deep sincerity of the ignorant worshipper who 
bows before the image of his deity but a witness to this same deep 
inner hunger for a communal life with near-by deity ? His faith 
may become shattered at any time in his image or even incarnation- 
deity. But the need for an experiential life with deity is fund- 
amental to man’s personality. Hence, this need must be met. 
However, unless and until the deity is one altogether worthy to be 
worshipped, periods of scepticism are bound to recur again and 
again in the experience of man. His faith may be shattered in an 
image. But his heart hunger remains. 


Bhakti and the religious roots out of which it sprang seem to 
be the only great religious development in India’s religious history 
that has shown even slight regard for the needs and sanctities of 
personality. This bhakti attitude towards eithera hero or any 
conceived-of incarnate deity is an enlarging experience to personal- 
ity. But how willit be when one learns that the conceived-of 
deity is nothing but an ancient hero? In an earlier chapter (23) 
some of the main reasons have been noted. as to why individuality 
or personality has been placed at’such a discount thus far. Moreover, 
it is likely so to continue until India establishes a new basis for her 
religious life as well as her social order. 


It is Tulasi’s phase of bhakti with which we are concerned at 
present. Although he presents Rama as the object of communal 
experience, yet one cannot overlook the fact that there is much else 
that is wholly out of keeping with such a representation. For ex- 
ample, the name of Rama is much more effective than even Rama 
himself (24). There is neither a moral nor spiritual element to such 
an idea. It is magical pureand simple. Then again Tulasi informs 
us (25) that he reverences the whole range of deities, giants, men, 
serpents, birds, ghosts, departed ancestors, Gandharvas, Kinnars and 
the demons of the night. “I pray yeall’’ he writes ‘‘be gracious 
unto me’’, Rama came primarily to deliver from demons and from 
the temporal, not the inner and spiritual ills of life. But what 
religious significance can Rama have to those who no longer believe 
in the existence of demons ? ‘To all such the necessity for sucha 
deity, as Rama is represented to be, shall have passed away. Then 
again, Tulasi represents Rama as teaching that the Brahman must 
always remain supreme and be reverenced regardless. of what he 
may be in moral character (26). But how will it fare with the 
religious faith of a sincere devotee of Rama when he comes to know 
that the system of caste with perpetual supremacy given to the 
Brahman, is not a matter of divine sanction, handed down from 
Vedic times, but rather an outgrowth ofa social situation in the 
creation of which man himself has had much to do ? These are but 
a few of the many examples that might be given to make clear how 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 267 


far Tulasi’s way of salvation falls below a clear-cut spiritual faith, 
such ag is absolutely necessary for the deepest needs of personality. 
Tulasi’s message is one of accommodation rather than otherwise. 
Therefore, great as has been the uplift that has come to thousands 
in North India through this bhakti faith, yet as such it has not had 
the inner power tofree Hinduism from her ancient polytheistic 
inheritance. 


| Hence, it can be only a question of time until all incarnation 
doctrines, based upon mythological stories, such as that of Rama’s 
deityhood, will pass from the beliefs and interests of those who 
once held this faith. Man’s faith in such doctrines may pass. Yet 
the hunger of the human heart for a personal and intimate deity, 
which Tulasi makes Bhusundi voice, will abide. This hunger must 
be met ‘‘for man cannot live by bread alone.’’ So long as man 
remains man, and so long as this communal character remains 
fundamental to his inner life, that long will he stand in deepest 
need of a great and inspiring companionship for ;his inner life. 
This need can be met only by a deity, personal and altogether 
worthy. Such a companionship can continue with deity, concern- 
ing whom and in the presence of growing knowledge, the conviction 
not only abides but also grows that this Great Companion continues 
to have what we require to have shared with us and of which we 
stand in deepest need. With all such we also must needs share 
the best we have. This is implied in companionship. With all 
others, conceived-of as deity, with whom sucha mutual inner re- 
inforcement and companionship become unreal and a mere imagina- 
tive construct, such a companionship becomes corroded quickly 
and loses its reality. 


One cannot close such a study in which we have been brought 
face to face with the significance of the earnest and heartfelt long- 
ing of Tulasi for a personal deity and which voices the sincere 
heart hunger of a vast multitude in this land, without adding a note 
on the significance of Jesus and the Christian view of God as 
exhibited in the life and teachings of Jesus in relation to this 
deepest inner need of the life of man. Jesus and the Christian 
view of God, as exhibited in Jesus, have been cluttered about with 
much theological speculation that has obscured greatly both Jesus 
and what he was concerned most with doing in relation both to God 
and humankind. 


One of the striking facts about his life is that its depth and 
richness of inner power are far ahead of even our best to-day. In 
fact it is not possible to conceive of a richer and more noble type 
of life than his. Jesus hag passed on far ahead of us in the charac- 
ter and power of his inner life. Although he was born and reared 
in a Jewish enviroment, yet his breadth and the inner richness of 
his life cannot be explained by his environment. Explain it by 


268 TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 


whatsoever doctrines and theological speculation one may, the 
fact remains that it is his intimacy with God that explains Jesus. 
No lesser explanation meets all the facts. If it is fundamentally 
true, as the writer holds, that our personality is built up out of our 
communal experiences, then it means that Jesus’ personality also 
grew by companionship. It is also profoundly true that man—all 
men—grow like the companionships they cultivate. Since we can- 
not explain Jesus adequately apart from this great companionship, 
lived with God, does it not follow clearly that the God, who is, must 
be like Jesus in character. Otherwise, Jesus would never have 
come to be what he is. The God whom we see revealed ‘‘in the 
face of Jesus Christ’’ is one altogether worthy and whom multitudes 
have found able to meet these deepest needs of man’s inner life. 


TULASI’S WAY OF SALVATION 269 


REFERENCE NOTES. 
(1). p. 56 ff. 


(2). Grierson, Art., J. R.A.S. (1903), “Tulasi Dasa, Poet and Religious 
Reformer’, p. 459. yi 


(3). Farquhar, The Crown of Hinduism, p. 272 ff. 
(4). Urquhart, Pantheism and the Value of Life, p. 684. 
(5). Uttarkand, Chaupai of Doha 110 
(6). Chapter II. 
(7). BeReE,, (VIL), pp2110, 188. 
(8). p. 111. 
(9). E.R. E., (VII), p. 142. 
ClLOyepezls., 
(11). Farquhar, ibid., p. 340 f. 
(12). . i 34.2 f. 
Cis) bake, (VIL) p.183. 
(14). E. R. E., (VID), p. 183. 
(15). Farquhar, ibid., p. 424. 
(16). Uttarkand, Doha and Chaupai of Doha 72. 
(17). Balkand, Doha 69. 
(18). James, The Will to Believe, p. 31. 
(19). Urquhart, ibid., p. 624 ff. 
(20). Pfleiderer, Philosophy and Development of Religion, p. 314. 
(21). Urquhart, ibid., p. 700. 
(22). - : 688. 
(23). p. silt. 
(24). Balkand, Chaupai of Doha 22. 
(25). Balkand, Doha 7. 
(26). Uttarkand, Chaupai of Doha 108. 





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